Perfecting PKR

analysis Eight months have passed since the euphoria and excitement that gripped millions of voters when the ‘political tsunami’ swept three opposition parties into power in five states and 10 of the 11 federal seats in Kuala Lumpur.

Some called it the tipping point or ‘perfect storm’ in our electoral history, but the probable emergence of a two-party system has been held back by Pakatan Rakyat’s failure to grab the federal government from Barisan Nasional on Sept 16, as it claimed it would.

Amidst ebbing exuberance and cautious optimism, Pakatan’s major partner PKR will hold its annual congress this weekend at Stadium Melawati in Shah Alam, Selangor.

Changing political circumstances will prompt Pakatan to go through soul searching, perhaps requiring it to re-evaluate its performance and re-formulating its prospects.

Pakatan’s destiny will be challenged by the inevitable changing of the guard in the ruling Umno next March, which will spell the end of the Abdullah Ahmad Badawi administration.

Much uncertainty also lies ahead with his anointed successor Najib Abdul Razak taking over Umno and the BN machinery, which were left discredited, fractured and humiliated after the general election.

PKR, meanwhile, reflects the truism that politics tend to revolve around personalities - in this case, de facto leader Anwar Ibrahim, 61.

Some consider him the ‘Malaysian Obama’ in terms of charisma, oratory skills and crowd-pulling ability; even detractors find it difficult to dispute the electioneering calibre of the former deputy prime minister.

Most would agree that Anwar was responsible for cementing the working relationship among the Pakatan component parties, after having grappled with their contrasting ideological differences before and after the general election.

Anwar’s unrivalled strength of leadership is a plus factor - he is perceived as the only opposition leader qualified to be the alternative prime minister.

However, others - even within his own party - are not so sure. A critic contends that Anwar is his own worse enemy.

Weak organisational structure

PKR continues to face inherent organisational weaknesses, despite having garnered 1.5 million votes in 2008 - almost three times more than in the previous polls in 2004.

“Every major decision on party matters seems to need Anwar’s tacit approval and frequently his indecisiveness has stalled or delayed the party’s progress,” an insider said of the Anwar-centric syndrome in decision-making.

In fact, there is a general consensus among staunch supporters that, as a political organisation, the party lacks an infrastructural network at the branch, division and state levels.

“We agree that the BN took more than half a century to build its branches in every nook and corner of the country, but PKR must do this quickly,” a supporter noted.

Anwar, who is in the driver’s seat, seems oblivious to this, prompting concern that a clear-cut strategy is not being readied for the next general election.

“All decisions emanate from Anwar,” said the insider, who opined that this is not a healthy practice.

He suggested it is time for the party leaders to delegate decision-making to technocrats within PKR to strengthen its organisational structure.

PKR also lacks the political will to enhance leadership skills and roles, particularly among its parliamentary and state leaders.

“The leaders need to undergo a mental paradigm shift while retaining humility. Some of them are getting big-headed and suffer from the Yang Berhormat syndrome,” a critic lamented.

There is disquiet within the party, for all that Anwar is attempting to build a mass movement among Malaysians in support of its political objectives.

“Much needs to be done but the leadership is just not moving,” an activist pointed out.

“PKR needs to put its own house in order and its leadership must move away from being Anwar-centric, so that basic building blocks can be put in place.”

Running out of time

The leadership must also define the relationship between the various levels in the party, and establish guidelines for the relationship between, say, state and division levels.

Political observers reason that PKR had not anticipated its astounding electoral success.

“It had functioned as a rag-tag political party, or like an army of bandits struggling to turn itself into a regular army,” a political researcher said.

“It probably will take a few years to do that, but the problem is that the party is running out of time. The race is not only against time but the formidable BN machinery, which will be better prepared the next time around (having learnt from serious electoral mistakes).”

PKR’s future will be placed on a surer footing when its leadership under Anwar takes a quantum leap forward by building institutional strength, rather than rely primarily on his personality or prerogative in making decisions.

“The party must diversify its image by creating successful role-models from within its ranks. Success stories of its leaders in community services or building rapport with constituents will help to build its image as a mass movement,” a supporter said.

Indeed, if Anwar wishes to be known for his leadership credentials, including that of the ‘Father of the Asian Renaissance’, surely he must convince his supporters that he is not just a vocal opposition leader.

Unless reforms are made to position PKR as a stronger partner in Pakatan, Anwar’s charisma and oratory skills alone may not guarantee another successful electoral outing.

Next: Leadership role in Pakatan Rakyat