In my book entitled RESET: Rethinking the Malaysian Political Paradigm, I consider whether or not the political problems and uncertainties that we face today stem from 50 years of ethnic-based politics, its policies and its leadership; or the prevalence of a disharmonious and dysfunctional imbalance in the way democratic choice is exercised (between a) an inclusive coalition behind which lurks a Malay hegemony; and b) non-inclusive parties (that each appeal to one community but not the other) who hide behind a secular or religious ideology).

I explain that it is the latter; in that this imbalance facilitates volatility in society for which the use of prerogatives and patronage becomes justified in the mind of the Establishment so as to maintain a state of equilibrium.

This exacerbates a conflict in the role of leadership, between the duty to protect society from inter and intra communal instability (because of the impact of non-inclusivity), and the desire to maintain its ideological dominance for the sake of protecting the status quo.

The use of the ISA, the incidence of institutionalized chauvinism, issues around the independence of the judiciary, money politics, nepotism and cronyism, a lack of transparency in government, are all symptoms of this malignant condition.

War of ideologies

I conclude that the core nation-building principles (which include justice, character building, common values, democracy and equity) are compromised because of this imbalance and conflict. And unless they are addressed at source, we are doomed to fail as a nation, no matter who is at its helm. Even the fact that Pakatan Rakyat might be able to form an alternative government to Barisan Nasional does not help the country out of its quagmire, because the contradiction in ideology between its member parties, and their respective non-inclusiveness (at least for PAS and DAP), renders a rupture inevitable. As such the "imbalance" in the democratic framework that I speak of will prevail.

If we are honest with ourselves, we would admit that the underlying problem is the war of ideologies between three stakeholder communities in Malaysia, ie:

a) Malays, who would like to maintain the hegemony under the guise of a multi-racial joint-venture;
b) Non-Malays, who would like to get rid of this hegemony for ever, by dismantling race-based politics; and
c) Muslims, who want to put in place a theocracy.

Of course, there are a growing number of Malays who support b), as there are a number of non-Malays who support a) and/or c), but in reality each of these numbers are a minority and insignificant. And the key protagonists in each community will jealously guard their position and keep such alternative voices small and unheard, by ensuring that the bulk of the flock remains loyal to ‘the’ cause. That is what apparatchiks are there for!

The impact that prerogatives and patronage have on the country will always be interpreted and profiled in such a way as to support each warring side's ideological position. It is all about spin, and yet such spin can have dastardly effect. Each side claims to have moral authority, and has its own group of extremists, as they do their own moderate voices, to do their worst bidding. Today b) and c) are allies. But the permanence of that allegiance is as secure as the permanence of spring. Unity talks are already afoot between PAS and UMNO to shift the balance of power yet again.

But it is a zero-sum game. There will be no winners in the long run, nor is there a basis upon which any side can claim moral superiority. We will ALL be losers. If we do not maneuver out of this conundrum quickly, a dangerous situation will soon develop, especially if our economy goes into free fall.

We have no choice. We must find a compromise that creates a “Ying Yang”-like harmony and balance, before it is too late. What I advocate in the book is a multi-party system that is predicated on inclusiveness (ie by ensuring that both sides of the House equally represent the interest of all major communities in Malaysia) in form and in substance. For this to work, we must accept that a political party’s participation in the electoral process requires proof of multi-ethnic membership and complementary power sharing between stakeholder representatives therein.

If a balanced democratic framework (the details of which are described in the Book) can be achieved, then the foundation will be set for the real hard work to begin. Which is to build this nation together, hand in hand, as Malaysians for the future security of our children.

Some readers have come up to me and expressed concerns about how my proposal might affect fundamental rights of freedom of association. My response is that we must look at the bigger picture. What is the use of such freedom (to allow the formation of non-inclusive political parties that appeal only to one race but not the other) if as a result there is much greater loss to the nation by way of economic peril, impinged civil rights, the continuance of non-transparent and non-inclusive government, and the failure of key nation-building principles, if the structural imbalance and consequent conflict continues unabated. In fact, it is only when we have such a balanced system in place that we will finally be in a position to have true and meaningful democratic reforms that we have for so long coveted.

Some readers have suggested that my proposal entrenches ethnic boundaries as opposed to dismantles them. I disagree. The proposal recognizes social cleavages along communal lines as they currently exist, and acknowledges the need to manage sectarianism responsibly in the best interests of all Malaysians.

The proposal

However, it leaves open the door for the removal of distrust between communities, to make way for the emergence of a Bangsa Malaysia who are united behind a political manifesto without any deference to ethnic or religious differences. Good things come to those who wait. We must be patient, and take this first step if we want to achieve true unity in due course. In any event, inclusive multi-party systems will encourage centrist and moderate policy-making on both sides of the political divide, given each side's equal dependence on the support of both the Bumiputra and non-Bumiputra communities.

Are Malaysians and political parties willing to consider such a proposal? I deal with this in the Chapter called 'The Value and Price To Reset'. It is tempting to ignore what I propose, particularly when each protagonist (rightly or wrongly) believes that their victory is at hand, or would rather maintain the chaos of the status quo than to give any ground to its rival protagonist (a perverse and destructive ‘lose-lose’ logic).

The non-Malays fighting for an end to race based politics (who might wrongly think that Pakatan Rakyat is their saviour) might not support the proposal, just like the Malays fighting for the maintenance of the hegemony, and who wrongly think that Umno will survive the latest onslaught and forever be the only relevant representative of the Malays, might similarly do likewise.

The theocrats arguably have the most to lose by supporting an inclusive political model! But the more Umno/BN and its supporters appreciate the coalition’s political mortality, the more Pakatan Rakyat and its supporters realize how unlikely it is for this alliance to work in the long run, and the more this imbalance and conflict that I speak of is understood and that we accept that a ‘win-win’ solution is what is called for, then the more likely will a proposal such as the one I have outlined become an acceptable alternative to all sides.

We need to all speak with the voice of moderation and realize the dangers of this ideological war between us and recognize that there will not be any winners, if we each cannot compromise. We must realize that the imbalance in democratic choice simply adds fuel to the fire of ethnic and religious hostilities by supplying fodder to each warring faction’s cause without being able to kill off the enemy and to let true peace reign. And all of this is leading us to a point of self-destruction. Let’s step back from the ‘self-destruct’ button and look to reset our bearings as a nation instead.

SUFLAN SHAMSUDDIN is the author of RESET: Rethinking the Malaysian Paradigm, a commentary on the political predicament that the country currently faces, focussing on understanding the structural weaknesses of the democratic framework by which electoral choice is exercised.