Academic analysis has its place, too
P RamasamyPublished: Jan 29, 2001 5:52 AM | Updated: Jan 29, 2008 6:21 PM
While Dr Ananthan Krishnan ([#1]Free Indians from political trance[/#], Jan 23) is entitled to his opinions, he should refrain from making certain sweeping statements in reference to my earlier article ([#2]Indian representation in Barisan Alternatif[/#], Jan 11).
He says that my article is basically an academic perspective without the necessary practical prescriptions to solve Indian woes in the country. His diagnosis of the Indian situation: that Indians are kept confined in the plantations by the MIC and BN through the sheer use of politics of fear, propaganda and the use of the caste system. Prescription: that Indians should support the Malay-based multi-ethnic parties to regain their freedom and dignity in the country.
If the writer is a medical doctor, then he should know that a detailed diagnosis is a fundamental prerequisite for prescription or cure. This is basically a two-step process often employed by doctors in the medical world and even social scientists in the world of politics and sociology.
My earlier discussion about Indian representation was merely an analysis, a discussion about my own understanding of the domain of Indian politics in the country. While the writer is correct in saying that I did not outline any solutions/prescriptions for the woes of the community, I don't really understand when he says that my discourse is merely academic.
There seems to be an inherent bias operating in his conceptualisation that a person in the academia has basically nothing to say about the real world of politics. Although academicians are not magicians, they have their own understanding about the political and social process both theoretically and empirically. So in other words, academic analysis has its relevance in terms of understanding the real world.
He also takes if for granted that he has the right diagnosis of the Indian situation and the solutions at hand. While politics of fear and the intimidating role of BN and the press cannot be dismissed, it cannot, however, be defended that all Indians are confined to plantations. In this respect, the respectful doctor has not kept with changes in the Malaysian society as the factor of migration is slowly but surely changing the country's landscape. In fact, it can be argued that more Indians are in urban areas today than before.
Caste system is operative, but not in the manner described by the writer. Yes it is pernicious, but it is really becoming a non-issue in the Malaysian context, though occasionally revived by some self-seeking Indian politicians for their own survival. He mentions about the "holy book" Thirukkural, but he should be reminded that this book of great reverence to Tamils is anything but religious. This is why the book has such a great international standing and appeal not only to Hindu Tamils, but to non-Hindus.
While Indians are free to cast their support in accordance to their conscience, it cannot be taken for granted that all Malay-based multiethnic parties have a full understanding as to how best to represent different ethnic communities. These parties are making their honest effort, but it is still to early to state their positions or political formulae.
The writer wants Indians to embrace the Malay based-ethnic parties fast, I would be more inclined to examine first how these parties are going to deal with the multiracial question in the country. In other words, rather than simply rushing into something, let us first have dialogues with these parties in the next few years or so.
Prim's P Uthayakumar might be naive and still operating within the BN straightjacket; but let us give him a chance to explore whether there is need for an Indian party in BA. We cannot deny something for the sake of denial and just because some parties are championing on multiracial slogans does not mean that there is multiracialism in practice. To be fair to the opposition, they themselves are finding it difficult to go beyond the present framework of racial compartmentalisation.
He says that my article is basically an academic perspective without the necessary practical prescriptions to solve Indian woes in the country. His diagnosis of the Indian situation: that Indians are kept confined in the plantations by the MIC and BN through the sheer use of politics of fear, propaganda and the use of the caste system. Prescription: that Indians should support the Malay-based multi-ethnic parties to regain their freedom and dignity in the country.
If the writer is a medical doctor, then he should know that a detailed diagnosis is a fundamental prerequisite for prescription or cure. This is basically a two-step process often employed by doctors in the medical world and even social scientists in the world of politics and sociology.
My earlier discussion about Indian representation was merely an analysis, a discussion about my own understanding of the domain of Indian politics in the country. While the writer is correct in saying that I did not outline any solutions/prescriptions for the woes of the community, I don't really understand when he says that my discourse is merely academic.
There seems to be an inherent bias operating in his conceptualisation that a person in the academia has basically nothing to say about the real world of politics. Although academicians are not magicians, they have their own understanding about the political and social process both theoretically and empirically. So in other words, academic analysis has its relevance in terms of understanding the real world.
He also takes if for granted that he has the right diagnosis of the Indian situation and the solutions at hand. While politics of fear and the intimidating role of BN and the press cannot be dismissed, it cannot, however, be defended that all Indians are confined to plantations. In this respect, the respectful doctor has not kept with changes in the Malaysian society as the factor of migration is slowly but surely changing the country's landscape. In fact, it can be argued that more Indians are in urban areas today than before.
Caste system is operative, but not in the manner described by the writer. Yes it is pernicious, but it is really becoming a non-issue in the Malaysian context, though occasionally revived by some self-seeking Indian politicians for their own survival. He mentions about the "holy book" Thirukkural, but he should be reminded that this book of great reverence to Tamils is anything but religious. This is why the book has such a great international standing and appeal not only to Hindu Tamils, but to non-Hindus.
While Indians are free to cast their support in accordance to their conscience, it cannot be taken for granted that all Malay-based multiethnic parties have a full understanding as to how best to represent different ethnic communities. These parties are making their honest effort, but it is still to early to state their positions or political formulae.
The writer wants Indians to embrace the Malay based-ethnic parties fast, I would be more inclined to examine first how these parties are going to deal with the multiracial question in the country. In other words, rather than simply rushing into something, let us first have dialogues with these parties in the next few years or so.
Prim's P Uthayakumar might be naive and still operating within the BN straightjacket; but let us give him a chance to explore whether there is need for an Indian party in BA. We cannot deny something for the sake of denial and just because some parties are championing on multiracial slogans does not mean that there is multiracialism in practice. To be fair to the opposition, they themselves are finding it difficult to go beyond the present framework of racial compartmentalisation.
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