The 'khalifah' of Kaum Muda
Farish A NoorPublished: Mar 22, 2001 1:06 AM | Updated: Jan 29, 2008 10:21 AM
In his book PAS Mampu Memimpin Malaysia: Masa Untuk Tok Guru Buktikan , Nasir Awang argues that the roots of the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) goes all the way back to the turn of the century when the first wave of Islamist reformist thought arrived on the shores of Malaya thanks to a number of prominent Malay and Peranakan Muslim thinkers led by men like Syed Sheikh al-Hadi.
In his book PAS Mampu Memimpin Malaysia: Masa Untuk Tok Guru Buktikan, Nasir Awang argues that the roots of the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) goes all the way back to the turn of the century when the first wave of Islamist reformist thought arrived on the shores of Malaya thanks to a number of prominent Malay and Peranakan Muslim thinkers led by men like Syed Sheikh al-Hadi.
It is interesting to note that some of the ideologues and propagandists of the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party have begun to trace the origins of their organisation to the controversial figure of Sheikh al-Hadi. But they are not the only ones to do so - the same claim has been made by the leaders of Umno as well as other Malay-Muslim organisations and movements in the country.
That Syed Sheikh al-Hadi continues to be a reference point for Islamist thinkers, nationalists, leftists and ideologues from all sides of the political spectrum is a testimony to the impact made by the man himself and his writings.
The latest effort to recognise the man's contribution to the development of Malaysia and Malay-Muslim society in particular has come in the form of a book by the Malaysian Sociological Research Institute (MSRI) entitled The Real Cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady edited by Alijah Gordon.
The Real Cry attempts to do a number of things. A collaborative effort by a number of scholars including Alijah Gordon, Linda Tan, Syed Alwi al-Hady and Dr Syed Mohamed Alwi al-Hady, the work brings together a number of hugely important essays that chronicle the life and times of Sheikh al-Hadi as well as a selection of his important writings that were published in the journals that were launched and run by him.
A comprehensive introductory chapter outlines the historical context and socio-political milieu that was the cradle for Sheikh al-Hadi. Other essays present us with an intimate record of the man seen through the eyes of his son and grandson, Syed Alwi al-Hady and Syed Mohamed Alwi.
Linda Tan's essay outlines the mission of the man himself. Perhaps for the first time in Malaysian history, local Malaysian scholars have set out to record the 'true cry' of the man who was out of place and out of time, ahead of his peers and contemporaries, and a true visionary in every respect.
Syed Sheikh al-Hadi was one of the most revolutionary thinkers and Islamist activists of his generation. It was through the efforts of men like him and Sheikh Mohamad Tahir Jalaludin that the radical ideas of the newer generation of Muslim intellectuals like Muhammad Abduh and Rashid Rida were introduced to the Malay-Muslims of the peninsula.
Along with other reformist thinkers Sheikh Mohamad Tahir established the magazine Al-Imam (The Leader) that was modelled on the reformist mouthpiece Al-Manar (The Beacon) that was published by Rashid Rida in Cairo. Like the other reformers of the time, Sheikh Mohamad Tahir condemned many of the traditional practices and institutions of the Muslim world on the grounds that they were essentially un-Islamic and were remnants of the pre-Islamic past.
In particular he singled out the lifestyle and values of the ruling elite (which he regarded as being morally corrupt, decadent and unjust) as well as the teaching methods of the conservative ulama (which he argued was out of date and counter-productive) as the main reasons why the Muslim ummah had sunk to the decrepit state that it had found itself.
Prolific writer
Sheikh Mohamad Tahir's work was taken up by Syed Sheikh al-Hadi who was both a prolific writer and co-founder of numerous modern reformist Madrasahs (Islamic colleges) all over the peninsula. Born on Nov 22, 1867 in Kampung Hulu, Malacca, Sheikh al-Hady's mother was Malay while his father, Syed Ahmad ibn Hasan ibn Saqaf al-Hady al-Ba'alawi, was of Hadrami descent.
In his youth he was adopted by Raja Ali Kelana of the Sultanate of Riau and was brought up along with the princes in the royal household. It was here that the young Sheikh al-Hadi caught his first glimpse into the world of Malay-Muslim politics.
During his lifetime Syed Sheikh al-Hadi was regarded as the 'khalifa' (leader) of the 'Kaum Muda' (or the 'Khalifa Kaum Wahhabi') by his conservative-traditionalist critics. He was particularly interested in reforming the institution of the Madrasah and Pondok schools, for he believed that modern Islamic education was the key to solving many (if not all) of the problems that the Muslims were facing at the time.
Syed Sheikh al-Hadi was aided in this task by other Malay-Muslim reformers like Haji Abbas Mohamad Tahar and the Acehnese Sheikh Mohamad Salim al-Kalali, as well as the prominent Libyan reformer Shaykh Abu Jabir al-Ghadamisi (also known as Shaykh Abd'Allah al-Maghribi).
The reform of the Islamic educational system meant, for al-Hadi, the reform of the Muslim mind itself. Along with modern subjects like history and science, he also wanted to create a new generation of young Muslims who would be able to address the social, economic and political challenges they faced around them with confidence and determination.
He helped to set up numerous Madrasahs all over the peninsula. Working in collaboration with other reformist activists, Sheikh al-Hadi launched the Madrasah al-Iqbal al Islamiyyah in Singapore. Later he set up the Madrasah Al-Hadi in Malacca. After moving to Penang he was involved in the running of the famous Madrasah al-Mashoor al-Islamiyyah.
(The Madrasah al-Mashoor was destined to play a major role in the development of political Islam in the land for it was here that the young Burhanuddin al-Helmy received his early education under the tutelage of Sheikh Tahir. Burhanuddin would later become the third president of the Islamic party PAS, between 1956 to 1969).
While some contemporary Malaysian Islamist leaders may claim that Sheikh al-Hadi was responsible for laying the groundwork for the Islamist movements that we see in the country today, in his own lifetime the man was regarded as the bane of the ulama and imams of the religious establishment.
In his writings Syed Sheikh al-Hadi attacked the traditional ulama as well as the Malay ruling elite for manipulating and abusing Islam to suit their whims. In his essay 'Adakah Kaum Melayu ini Akan Hapus?' (Will the Malays become extinct?) he argued thus:
"No man of intelligence and knowledge can deny that present-day Islam has deviated from its original aim and purpose, mainly because the religious scholars and students of fiqh, with few exceptions, have manipulated this religion to suit their selfish whims and fancies to the extent that they have made the religion of Islam a laughing stock". (al-Ikhwan, V, 2. Oct 16, 1930).
'Ulama' attacked
The ulama also came under attack by Syed Sheikh al-Hadi and the Kaum Muda reformers for their attempt to maintain an exclusive monopoly on Islamic discourse in general. In the essay 'Percayakan Ulama' where he questioned the claims of the traditional ulama as the sole inheritors of valid and true knowledge of Islam, Syed Sheikh al-Hadi argued that:
"Is it not proper for us to question and enquire, are the mere words of others sufficient? It would appear that to study the words of Allah and His Prophet is to commit a wrong for it would indicate a lack of trust in the ulama, and thus we would have strayed beyond the pale of Islam!
"Who among the Ulama dare say such a thing, except the hawkers of religion who earn their living in the name of Islam, although Islam wishes to keep itself away from them as far as possible!". (al-Ikhwan, III, 7. March 16, 1929).
For Syed Sheikh al-Hadi, it was the traditional ruling elite and the traditional ulama who were mainly responsible for leading the Malay-Muslims astray and leaving them in such a pathetic and helpless condition:
"We have deceived ourselves by drinking the delicious poison of apathy, foisted upon us by our leaders, and thereby we have chosen for ourselves the diseases of deception and hypocrisy until we can do no more than cry and beg from God: Ah Allah, we have been loyal to our Penghulus and our traditional leaders and they have led us astray. They are the heads and we are the tails. They are the seeds of all calamities and sufferings. They are the spendthrifts and the kings of the ignorant. They are the origins of all afflictions and misfortunes". (al-Imam, II, 1. July 12, 1907).
In another essay entitled 'Teriak Sebenar' (The Real Cry) he called on the Malays to break free from their traditional mode of living and to modernise their society, economy and educational system before they would be left behind for good by the other races in the country:
"Haste, before time runs out. Soon the others around you will have closed the doors of opportunity and blocked your way to progress. Hurry up and form your chambers of commerce. Quickly build schools and educational centres for your children. Equip your children - boys and girls - with knowledge necessary for the good of the country. Regulate your religious conduct now so that you may not continue to live in lowliness and slavery". (al-Ikhwan, I, 2. Oct 16, 1926).
Led by Syed Sheikh al-Hadi, the new generation of Kaum Muda reformers began to introduce a whole new outlook and set of values to the Malays of the peninsula that challenged some of the most basic understandings and beliefs concerning the conduct and practice of Islam in their lives.
They attacked the traditional modes of religious teaching that were being practised by the conservative ulama in the Malay states. The traditional customs and values of the Malay royal courts were also condemned on the grounds that they were essentially feudalistic, corrupt and unIslamic.
The main instruments of the reformers were their network of reformist Madrasahs and the progressive journals, magazines and newspapers that they published themselves.
Among the more popular and influential of the journals were Al-Imam (published by Sheikh Mohamad Tahir and Syed Sheikh al-Hadi in Singapore), Al-Ikhwan (published by Syed Sheikh al-Hadi in Penang), Seruan Azhar (which was published by Kesatuan Jamiah al-Khairiah (Malay Students Association of Al-Azhar, Cairo), Pilihan Timur (which was published by Indonesian students at Al-Azhar in Cairo) and the teachers' magazine, Majalah Guru.
While the traditional establishment looked on in horror, the reformers began to collect around them a number of young followers who would later on take on the cause of reform and modernisation in the Malay world.
Tide of change
In response to the tide of change from abroad, the ulama of the Malay states and courts issued countless fatawa against the reformers themselves and their teachings. The Muftis and Sheikh'ul Islam of the Malay states condemned the ideas and teachings of the reformers on the grounds that they were irreligious, kafir and/or influenced by Kadiani (Qadiani) ideas.
The development of the Kaum Muda faction was not, however, free from its own internal contradictions and problems. One of the most obvious discrepancies then was the fact that the reformist-Islamist camp which wanted to transform the socio-political and religious culture of the Malays was dominated by Muslims of non-Malay ancestry.
Until then, leadership of the Malay-Muslim community had been in the hands of the traditional Malay ruling elite and prominent Arab and Indian ("peranakan") Muslims from abroad. Syed Sheikh al-Hadi, Shaykh Abu Jabir al-Ghadamisi and others were themselves of mixed or pure Arab or Indian stock, and were thus not "pure" Malays themselves.
The social divisions between the Malay-Muslims and Muslims of Arab or Indian origin, made it imperative for the Malays to seek a new form of leadership that came from their own community.
Ironically, one of the factors that may have contributed to this growing sense of racial awareness on the part of the Malays was the polemical writings by the reformists themselves which often compared the "industrious" and "hard-working" Chinese to the "backward" and "lazy" Malays. Even more ironic, however, was the fact that some of the leading figures in the Malay community at the time such as Pandita Za'ba were even more scathing in their attacks on the Malay race in toto.
But Syed Sheikh al-Hadi, being of mixed Malay-Arab descent and a progressive reformist to boot, was doubly disadvantaged by the changes around him. A visionary who preached from the margins of his society, he was easily dismissed by others who were able to represent his strengths as weaknesses instead.
The ascendancy of the politics of race and nationalism meant that the reformists' progressive agenda was marginalised in the end. In the same year that Muslim soldiers mutinied against the British authorities in Singapore, the Majlis Agama Kelantan (Kelantan Religious Council) was formed in 1915.
But the Majlis and many other bodies like it soon came under the leadership and patronage of traditional Malay rulers who were more interested in protecting the interests of the traditional ruling elite than the ordinary Malay masses. In the decades that followed, the Malay-Muslim community gave birth to a number of radical nationalist, leftist and Islamist organisations and parties like the PKMM, Umno and PAS.
The broad-based humanism and rationalism that were the salient features of the reformists' project eventually gave way to the sectarian politics of race and communitarianism instead.
Crossroads of history
Today the Malay-Muslim community finds itself at the crossroads of history once again. Malay-Muslim society seems to be caught between two apparently irreconcilable alternatives: That of the Islamist conservatives and the Malaycentric nationalists who continue to struggle for Malay dominance and supremacy.
Syed Sheikh al-Hadi's ideas and longings for a school of progressive Islamic thought remain unrealised for reasons that can best be attributed to the vicissitudes of politics. We remain nowhere near the goal of a truly modern, progressive and dynamic school of Islamic thought that is free of the parochialism of race and nationalism that Sheikh al-Hadi dreamt of.
Nonetheless, one of the bittersweet ironies of the present age is that practically every stream of political thought in the country today claims to have its roots in the ideas and writings of the man they once vilified so.
The MSRI should be congratulated for their efforts to bring to the public's attention the life and works of Syed Sheikh al-Hadi. No effort has been spared by the authors (Alijah Gordon, Linda Tan, Syed Alwi al-Hady and Syed Mohamed Alwi al-Hady) in order to give the reader the most comprehensive picture of the man and the world around him at the time.
By doing justice to the man himself, his lifetime's effort and his writings, MSRI has managed to clear the way for serious and scholarly discussion of Sheikh al-Hadi's ideas and vision. The book should be regarded as required reading for students of Malaysian politics and Malay history.
The "real cry" of Syed Sheikh al-Hadi remains with us still, along with the host of social ills and problems he sought to address and resolve. Now, more than ever, there is the need for the revival of the "Kaum Muda" and the idealism that once animated the struggle of Malay-Muslim social and political reform in the country.
It is interesting to note that some of the ideologues and propagandists of the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party have begun to trace the origins of their organisation to the controversial figure of Sheikh al-Hadi. But they are not the only ones to do so - the same claim has been made by the leaders of Umno as well as other Malay-Muslim organisations and movements in the country.
That Syed Sheikh al-Hadi continues to be a reference point for Islamist thinkers, nationalists, leftists and ideologues from all sides of the political spectrum is a testimony to the impact made by the man himself and his writings.
The latest effort to recognise the man's contribution to the development of Malaysia and Malay-Muslim society in particular has come in the form of a book by the Malaysian Sociological Research Institute (MSRI) entitled The Real Cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady edited by Alijah Gordon.
The Real Cry attempts to do a number of things. A collaborative effort by a number of scholars including Alijah Gordon, Linda Tan, Syed Alwi al-Hady and Dr Syed Mohamed Alwi al-Hady, the work brings together a number of hugely important essays that chronicle the life and times of Sheikh al-Hadi as well as a selection of his important writings that were published in the journals that were launched and run by him.
A comprehensive introductory chapter outlines the historical context and socio-political milieu that was the cradle for Sheikh al-Hadi. Other essays present us with an intimate record of the man seen through the eyes of his son and grandson, Syed Alwi al-Hady and Syed Mohamed Alwi.
Linda Tan's essay outlines the mission of the man himself. Perhaps for the first time in Malaysian history, local Malaysian scholars have set out to record the 'true cry' of the man who was out of place and out of time, ahead of his peers and contemporaries, and a true visionary in every respect.
Syed Sheikh al-Hadi was one of the most revolutionary thinkers and Islamist activists of his generation. It was through the efforts of men like him and Sheikh Mohamad Tahir Jalaludin that the radical ideas of the newer generation of Muslim intellectuals like Muhammad Abduh and Rashid Rida were introduced to the Malay-Muslims of the peninsula.
Along with other reformist thinkers Sheikh Mohamad Tahir established the magazine Al-Imam (The Leader) that was modelled on the reformist mouthpiece Al-Manar (The Beacon) that was published by Rashid Rida in Cairo. Like the other reformers of the time, Sheikh Mohamad Tahir condemned many of the traditional practices and institutions of the Muslim world on the grounds that they were essentially un-Islamic and were remnants of the pre-Islamic past.
In particular he singled out the lifestyle and values of the ruling elite (which he regarded as being morally corrupt, decadent and unjust) as well as the teaching methods of the conservative ulama (which he argued was out of date and counter-productive) as the main reasons why the Muslim ummah had sunk to the decrepit state that it had found itself.
Prolific writer
Sheikh Mohamad Tahir's work was taken up by Syed Sheikh al-Hadi who was both a prolific writer and co-founder of numerous modern reformist Madrasahs (Islamic colleges) all over the peninsula. Born on Nov 22, 1867 in Kampung Hulu, Malacca, Sheikh al-Hady's mother was Malay while his father, Syed Ahmad ibn Hasan ibn Saqaf al-Hady al-Ba'alawi, was of Hadrami descent.
In his youth he was adopted by Raja Ali Kelana of the Sultanate of Riau and was brought up along with the princes in the royal household. It was here that the young Sheikh al-Hadi caught his first glimpse into the world of Malay-Muslim politics.
During his lifetime Syed Sheikh al-Hadi was regarded as the 'khalifa' (leader) of the 'Kaum Muda' (or the 'Khalifa Kaum Wahhabi') by his conservative-traditionalist critics. He was particularly interested in reforming the institution of the Madrasah and Pondok schools, for he believed that modern Islamic education was the key to solving many (if not all) of the problems that the Muslims were facing at the time.
Syed Sheikh al-Hadi was aided in this task by other Malay-Muslim reformers like Haji Abbas Mohamad Tahar and the Acehnese Sheikh Mohamad Salim al-Kalali, as well as the prominent Libyan reformer Shaykh Abu Jabir al-Ghadamisi (also known as Shaykh Abd'Allah al-Maghribi).
The reform of the Islamic educational system meant, for al-Hadi, the reform of the Muslim mind itself. Along with modern subjects like history and science, he also wanted to create a new generation of young Muslims who would be able to address the social, economic and political challenges they faced around them with confidence and determination.
He helped to set up numerous Madrasahs all over the peninsula. Working in collaboration with other reformist activists, Sheikh al-Hadi launched the Madrasah al-Iqbal al Islamiyyah in Singapore. Later he set up the Madrasah Al-Hadi in Malacca. After moving to Penang he was involved in the running of the famous Madrasah al-Mashoor al-Islamiyyah.
(The Madrasah al-Mashoor was destined to play a major role in the development of political Islam in the land for it was here that the young Burhanuddin al-Helmy received his early education under the tutelage of Sheikh Tahir. Burhanuddin would later become the third president of the Islamic party PAS, between 1956 to 1969).
While some contemporary Malaysian Islamist leaders may claim that Sheikh al-Hadi was responsible for laying the groundwork for the Islamist movements that we see in the country today, in his own lifetime the man was regarded as the bane of the ulama and imams of the religious establishment.
In his writings Syed Sheikh al-Hadi attacked the traditional ulama as well as the Malay ruling elite for manipulating and abusing Islam to suit their whims. In his essay 'Adakah Kaum Melayu ini Akan Hapus?' (Will the Malays become extinct?) he argued thus:
"No man of intelligence and knowledge can deny that present-day Islam has deviated from its original aim and purpose, mainly because the religious scholars and students of fiqh, with few exceptions, have manipulated this religion to suit their selfish whims and fancies to the extent that they have made the religion of Islam a laughing stock". (al-Ikhwan, V, 2. Oct 16, 1930).
'Ulama' attacked
The ulama also came under attack by Syed Sheikh al-Hadi and the Kaum Muda reformers for their attempt to maintain an exclusive monopoly on Islamic discourse in general. In the essay 'Percayakan Ulama' where he questioned the claims of the traditional ulama as the sole inheritors of valid and true knowledge of Islam, Syed Sheikh al-Hadi argued that:
"Is it not proper for us to question and enquire, are the mere words of others sufficient? It would appear that to study the words of Allah and His Prophet is to commit a wrong for it would indicate a lack of trust in the ulama, and thus we would have strayed beyond the pale of Islam!
"Who among the Ulama dare say such a thing, except the hawkers of religion who earn their living in the name of Islam, although Islam wishes to keep itself away from them as far as possible!". (al-Ikhwan, III, 7. March 16, 1929).
For Syed Sheikh al-Hadi, it was the traditional ruling elite and the traditional ulama who were mainly responsible for leading the Malay-Muslims astray and leaving them in such a pathetic and helpless condition:
"We have deceived ourselves by drinking the delicious poison of apathy, foisted upon us by our leaders, and thereby we have chosen for ourselves the diseases of deception and hypocrisy until we can do no more than cry and beg from God: Ah Allah, we have been loyal to our Penghulus and our traditional leaders and they have led us astray. They are the heads and we are the tails. They are the seeds of all calamities and sufferings. They are the spendthrifts and the kings of the ignorant. They are the origins of all afflictions and misfortunes". (al-Imam, II, 1. July 12, 1907).
In another essay entitled 'Teriak Sebenar' (The Real Cry) he called on the Malays to break free from their traditional mode of living and to modernise their society, economy and educational system before they would be left behind for good by the other races in the country:
"Haste, before time runs out. Soon the others around you will have closed the doors of opportunity and blocked your way to progress. Hurry up and form your chambers of commerce. Quickly build schools and educational centres for your children. Equip your children - boys and girls - with knowledge necessary for the good of the country. Regulate your religious conduct now so that you may not continue to live in lowliness and slavery". (al-Ikhwan, I, 2. Oct 16, 1926).
Led by Syed Sheikh al-Hadi, the new generation of Kaum Muda reformers began to introduce a whole new outlook and set of values to the Malays of the peninsula that challenged some of the most basic understandings and beliefs concerning the conduct and practice of Islam in their lives.
They attacked the traditional modes of religious teaching that were being practised by the conservative ulama in the Malay states. The traditional customs and values of the Malay royal courts were also condemned on the grounds that they were essentially feudalistic, corrupt and unIslamic.
The main instruments of the reformers were their network of reformist Madrasahs and the progressive journals, magazines and newspapers that they published themselves.
Among the more popular and influential of the journals were Al-Imam (published by Sheikh Mohamad Tahir and Syed Sheikh al-Hadi in Singapore), Al-Ikhwan (published by Syed Sheikh al-Hadi in Penang), Seruan Azhar (which was published by Kesatuan Jamiah al-Khairiah (Malay Students Association of Al-Azhar, Cairo), Pilihan Timur (which was published by Indonesian students at Al-Azhar in Cairo) and the teachers' magazine, Majalah Guru.
While the traditional establishment looked on in horror, the reformers began to collect around them a number of young followers who would later on take on the cause of reform and modernisation in the Malay world.
Tide of change
In response to the tide of change from abroad, the ulama of the Malay states and courts issued countless fatawa against the reformers themselves and their teachings. The Muftis and Sheikh'ul Islam of the Malay states condemned the ideas and teachings of the reformers on the grounds that they were irreligious, kafir and/or influenced by Kadiani (Qadiani) ideas.
The development of the Kaum Muda faction was not, however, free from its own internal contradictions and problems. One of the most obvious discrepancies then was the fact that the reformist-Islamist camp which wanted to transform the socio-political and religious culture of the Malays was dominated by Muslims of non-Malay ancestry.
Until then, leadership of the Malay-Muslim community had been in the hands of the traditional Malay ruling elite and prominent Arab and Indian ("peranakan") Muslims from abroad. Syed Sheikh al-Hadi, Shaykh Abu Jabir al-Ghadamisi and others were themselves of mixed or pure Arab or Indian stock, and were thus not "pure" Malays themselves.
The social divisions between the Malay-Muslims and Muslims of Arab or Indian origin, made it imperative for the Malays to seek a new form of leadership that came from their own community.
Ironically, one of the factors that may have contributed to this growing sense of racial awareness on the part of the Malays was the polemical writings by the reformists themselves which often compared the "industrious" and "hard-working" Chinese to the "backward" and "lazy" Malays. Even more ironic, however, was the fact that some of the leading figures in the Malay community at the time such as Pandita Za'ba were even more scathing in their attacks on the Malay race in toto.
But Syed Sheikh al-Hadi, being of mixed Malay-Arab descent and a progressive reformist to boot, was doubly disadvantaged by the changes around him. A visionary who preached from the margins of his society, he was easily dismissed by others who were able to represent his strengths as weaknesses instead.
The ascendancy of the politics of race and nationalism meant that the reformists' progressive agenda was marginalised in the end. In the same year that Muslim soldiers mutinied against the British authorities in Singapore, the Majlis Agama Kelantan (Kelantan Religious Council) was formed in 1915.
But the Majlis and many other bodies like it soon came under the leadership and patronage of traditional Malay rulers who were more interested in protecting the interests of the traditional ruling elite than the ordinary Malay masses. In the decades that followed, the Malay-Muslim community gave birth to a number of radical nationalist, leftist and Islamist organisations and parties like the PKMM, Umno and PAS.
The broad-based humanism and rationalism that were the salient features of the reformists' project eventually gave way to the sectarian politics of race and communitarianism instead.
Crossroads of history
Today the Malay-Muslim community finds itself at the crossroads of history once again. Malay-Muslim society seems to be caught between two apparently irreconcilable alternatives: That of the Islamist conservatives and the Malaycentric nationalists who continue to struggle for Malay dominance and supremacy.
Syed Sheikh al-Hadi's ideas and longings for a school of progressive Islamic thought remain unrealised for reasons that can best be attributed to the vicissitudes of politics. We remain nowhere near the goal of a truly modern, progressive and dynamic school of Islamic thought that is free of the parochialism of race and nationalism that Sheikh al-Hadi dreamt of.
Nonetheless, one of the bittersweet ironies of the present age is that practically every stream of political thought in the country today claims to have its roots in the ideas and writings of the man they once vilified so.
The MSRI should be congratulated for their efforts to bring to the public's attention the life and works of Syed Sheikh al-Hadi. No effort has been spared by the authors (Alijah Gordon, Linda Tan, Syed Alwi al-Hady and Syed Mohamed Alwi al-Hady) in order to give the reader the most comprehensive picture of the man and the world around him at the time.
By doing justice to the man himself, his lifetime's effort and his writings, MSRI has managed to clear the way for serious and scholarly discussion of Sheikh al-Hadi's ideas and vision. The book should be regarded as required reading for students of Malaysian politics and Malay history.
The "real cry" of Syed Sheikh al-Hadi remains with us still, along with the host of social ills and problems he sought to address and resolve. Now, more than ever, there is the need for the revival of the "Kaum Muda" and the idealism that once animated the struggle of Malay-Muslim social and political reform in the country.
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