Will Aceh be another failed state like East Timor? Not if Irwandi Yusuf, the troubled province's new governor, has his way. Irwandi, a rebel-turned-politician, was sworn in today as Aceh's first directly-elected governor, a post which he won two months ago.

His coming to power put an end to the three-decade-old secessionist war in which many lives were lost in the resource-rich province of Indonesia.

Irwandi's (left, showing the indelible ink on his finger after he voted) thumping victory also confirmed the deep-seated distrust among Acehnese to parties seen to be linked to Jakarta, and their general support for Free Aceh Movement (GAM), the former separatist group.

The twin disasters - the earthquake and tsunami - that struck Aceh in December 2004 was a blessing in disguise. It brought GAM and the Indonesian government back to the negotiation table despite repeated failures in previous talks.

The peace negotiation, which was brokered by a Finnish non-governmental organisation, ended with the signing of a peace accord a year later. This peace agreement provided the broad framework for a 'self-governing' system in Aceh.

In exchange for GAM's demand for independence, the new system grants Aceh genuine political autonomy under the state of Indonesia. It gives the local government vast decision-making power, the establishment of local political parties, a huge slice of Aceh's oil revenue and the reintegration of GAM into society.

The gubernatorial election held on Dec 11 last year was Aceh's first direct election under the new law. Another major election for legislative body will be held in 2009. Local political parties - previously banned by Jakarta - will be formed under the framework of the peace accord to contest the election.

Irwandi's victory surprised many, especially in the wake of a poll conducted prior to the gubernatorial election. According to the poll, 36 percent of voters had yet to made up their mind, leaving frontrunners such as Irwandi with less than 20 percent each. A second round of voting must be held if no candidate can bag more than 25 percent of votes. In the days leading to the election, experts predicted a second round of voting.

But 47-year-old Irwandi, a former veterinary science university lecturer, was confident.

On election day, he went to a small polling station in Kampong Laksana in Banda Aceh, the capital city, to witness the vote counting. It was not an area where he had wide support. Donned in his signature all-black button-up shirt and pants, Irwandi sat alone (photo) at the back of the hall as the counting took place.

Asked why he chose not to be outside the city where his political base was strongest, he told malaysiakini, "I know I'm winning elsewhere. But I want to be at a place where I know I'm bound to lose so that I won't get too carried away when the final result is announced."

True enough, Irwandi lost in Kampong Laksana, but won just about everywhere else.

Out of eight candidates, Irwandi and his running mate Muhammad Nazar garnered 38 percent of the total votes. His closest rival, Husbi Abdullah and activist running mate Humam Hamid - both of whom are also from GAM but supported by the older ex-rebel leaders - came in second with 17 percent.

Splits in GAM

Irwandi's triumph indicated that GAM remains a force to be reckoned with. Despite GAM's announcement to disband its military wing last year, its network of 17 regional military areas controlled by regional commanders and lower-level commanders is still alive and kicking.

During the election campaign, this network transformed itself into an influential political base to support Irwandi, who was not an active GAM combatant. During a political campaign in Banda Aceh, former rebel commander and military spokesperson Sofyan Daud openly threw his support to Irwandi, "I give this man to you as our candidate," he told the crowd of several thousands, "If he does not do his job, you can give him back to me."

It was Irwandi's role in taking care of former GAM combatants' welfare after the peace deal that won support from the diehard GAM members in the field, while the older generation leaders were still at a loss in dealing with the changes in faraway Sweden, where they are based.

Irwandi's running mate, Mohammad Nazar who is in his 30s is no pushover either. He heads Sira (Aceh Referendum Information Center), a pro-independence group which was working closely with GAM before the peace deal was stitched. It had mobilised hundreds of thousands to the street on different occasions, including the 1999 campaign for a referendum on Aceh's independence.

The election result was a convincing victory for the ex-rebels. Although independence is no longer on the cards, it nevertheless sent an unmistakable message to Jakarta regarding the political inspiration of the Acehnese.

The 55 percent vote combination of Irwandi and another GAM candidate Hasbi, as well as GAM's sweeping victory at the district level, will no doubt be an indication of what is to come in the Aceh legislative election in two years time.

But victory comes with tremendous challenges. Irwandi needs to assist GAM in its transition from an armed group to a civic organisation. The delay in allocation of millions of government funds for ex-combatants under the newly established Aceh Reintegration Agency has created much frustration among thousands of unemployed ex-GAM combatant. The pressure is on for Irwandi's administration to speed up the process.

Irwandi will also need to find a solution to the rift among GAM's old guard and young turks. The rift was caused by "differences of opinions" over the choices of candidates in the elections. Some key members of the old guard initially backed Hasbi.

However, the young turks who were mostly field commanders from the guerrilla faction led by former military leader Sofyan criticised the GAM elders' top-down approach in decision-making. Instead, they proposed the Irwandi-Nazar ticket as GAM's candidates. With two teams at loggerheads, GAM eventually said it would not officially back any candidate and that its members were free to vote their choice.

This rift, if not solved, could weaken GAM's effort to set up its own political party ahead of the 2009 legislative election.

Immediate problems

One major challenge awaiting Irwandi is the reconstruction plan in the wake of the devastating war and the tsunami. The estimated US$8 to US$9 billion from international aid agencies has been slow due to red tape and corruption, leaving many Acehnese, including over 25,000 homeless people, in atrocious living condition. As the newly-minted governor, it is Irwandi's task to find a quick solution to the problem.

In addition to billions of aid money, his administration will also be responsible for the annual income of $7.8 billion from the new oil and gas revenue-sharing arrangements. The spending of this budget needs an approval from Aceh parliament, which is currently controlled by national-based party members who view GAM as their major political rival.

As part of the peace deal, Jakarta must lift its ban on provincial and local political parties. But GAM needs to wait until 2009 before it can send its own representatives to the provincial parliament, and this posts a major challenge for Irwandi. In addition, Irwandi will also have to find a way to function within a bureaucracy controlled by pro-Indonesian civil servants, many are known to be unprofessional and corrupted.

In 1999, Jakarta implemented the syariah law in Aceh. GAM has openly rejected what it called "the Jakarta-imposed syariah" on the ground that the Indonesian government was using this as a distraction to the real problems of Aceh, which were injustices perpetrated against the troubled province. The law, however, was implemented and it received the backing from the local ulamas.

The provincial assembly has since passed several bylaws with harsh sentences for religious crimes rank from inappropriate dress to extramarital sex. A new proposed bylaw invited even more criticisms by advocating the surgical removal of the hands of thieves. The issue has indeed become politically sensitive with different groups lambasting the proposal.

It remains to be seen how Irwandi would approach the issue without himself being branded as anti-Islam by his political rivals.

On its part, Jakarta welcomed GAM's victory with caution. Distrust between both sides is evident. This is particularly so for the Indonesian Armed Forces whose top brass demanded GAM to swear not to pursue its aspiration for independence. Shortly after the election, many leading Jakarta-based political figures including Indonesian Vice-President Yusuf Kalla also demanded GAM to disband. The demand, however, met with a prompt rejection from the ex-rebels.

Tensions with Jakarta

In the months ahead, there bound to be tensions with Jakarta. The day after the elections, the Indonesian government released its draft bill on the formation of local political parties in Aceh. The bill contained several conditions which severely limit the power of such parties.

In response, Irwandi publicly announced his intention to renegotiate one of the major new laws - the Law on Governing Aceh. The law, which was endorsed in the Helsinki peace accord, covers contentious issues such as oil and gas revenue-sharing arrangements, the role of national police and military forces, and the implementation of Islamic law.

GAM, in particular, disputes the article referring to the regional government's authority. It states that international agreements and laws of the national government relating to Aceh will be made after "consideration and consultation" with Aceh parliament.

GAM, as well as several Acehnese groups, have demanded that "consideration and consultation" be replaced with "approval". Thus despite that the peace pact has already been inked, it is likely that Aceh under the leadership of Irwandi will demand further negotiations with Jakarta.

The people of Aceh have given Irwandi five years to put the troubled province - torn by decades of bitter war, extreme poverty and a devastating natural disaster - back on its feet. Irwandi, who himself a survivor of the tsunami, vowed to take on that challenge.

"Aceh is going through a new phase in its history," he told malaysiakini. And he intends to play a major role in it. Indeed for Irwandi, winning was the easy part. The hard work, he said, starts now.


Part 2: Dead man ruling
Part 3: Aceh's democracy a bold experiment

PRANGTIP DAORUENG conducted a research on the peace process in Aceh under the Nippon Foundation's intellectual fellowship programme. She visited Indonesia in 2002 and 2004.

Photos by Prangtip Daorueng