opinion

There are number of reasons why PAS' Islamic state option as a political alternative for the Malaysian society is not tenable.

I base by reasons not that I dislike the party as whole or some of its leaders. In fact, on the contrary, I admire PAS for the contributions it has made to democratise and liberalise the Malaysian society along with other opposition forces in a number of ways.

Without the opposition offered by PAS, Umno would have caused a great deal more harm to society. Furthermore, I look forward for the day when PAS and other members of the Barisan Alternatif (BA) would be able to provide Malaysians a more broad-based multi-racial option than the racial one offered by Barisan Nasional (BN).

As I have argued elsewhere, the popularity of PAS as an Malay/Islamic-based political party is not so much because of its Islamic appeal per se, but rather because it has been able to provide a better alternative to Umno.

Thus, in comparison to Umno, PAS has been able to reveal that it has effective leadership, morally upright leaders, leaders committed to resolve the problems of masses, a party that has been able to withstand the temptations of corruption, and others.

These qualities have endeared it to sections of the Malay community who see the deeds and accomplishments of the party in Islamic terms. Now whether the majority of Malays really understand the Islamic objectives of the party and whether they agreeable to the establishment of an Islamic state remains unclear.

Wiggle out

As we understand, mere political rhetoric and political propaganda are not substitutes for the real revelation of an Islamic model. What will be the future political system based on Islam in Malaysia is not clear to many except to those who articulate this particular stand.

It is perfectly understandable that PAS might not be in a position both religiously and politically to wiggle out of the entrapment of an Islamic state. It would be politically suicidal for the party even to make oblique references to the fact that it might not be able to fully implement its Islamic state model in multi-racial and multi-religious Malaysia.

Of course, this is not to dismiss some of the developments within the party of late that have given some indication that PAS is not a static party. It is trying its best to wiggle out a particular political entrapment that it has got into for short term political considerations.

At the recent PAS general assembly, the party gave indication that it seeks to espouse the Islamic cause in more universalistic terms rather than narrow sectarian ones. But the problem with this is that it simply seen as a way to attract the support of the non-Muslims in the country, a fact that has been publicised by Umno as a way to discredit PAS.

It is my argument that while political parties need not just give up their political ideals however, untenable they are, realistic political governance requires a high degree of pragmatism on the part of PAS and other political parties constituted within the BA.

There are number of reasons why political governance on the basis of religion or a particular ethnicity is most inappropriate for Malaysia.

Problematic notion

First, political governance and administration on the basis of a particular cultural hegemony, be it religion or ethnicity, is not only undemocratic but will seek to impose particular views on a broad cross-section of society consisting of different cultural and religious elements.

If Islam is imposed as the governing principle of the country, there will be natural tendency on the part of the Islamic state to belittle and impose all kinds of hardship on the populace, particularly on those who profess faiths other than Islam.

Second, an Islamic state, or for that matter any religious state, will not be in congruence with the global demands for open political systems, for democratisation, for the respect of all cultures, and for the development of a more pluralistic system.

Third, the concept of an Islamic state will have the tendency to empower certain segments of society who will decide on all matters from a particular religious perspective, a development that in the long run that will alienate groups such women, non-Muslims, native people, and others.

Fourth, the notion of an Islamic state is conceptually a problematic one. No one, even the ulama are sure what will be the exact model that the Islamic state will incorporate.

Fifth, there are grounds to believe that the implementation of the Islamic state principle in some predominantly Muslim countries have not resolved social, political and economic problems. Take the case for Iran and Pakistan for example.

Sixth, the Islamic state theory might have some political ideas but it is rather silent on economic issues. How the Islamic state theory will confront the exploitative system of capitalism and come out with an alternative non-exploitative system is not clear.

Simplistic, nave

In Malaysia, given the multi-racial and multi-religious nature of the society, the Islamic state principle as the basis of political governance is not only irrelevant but most inappropriate. In the near conceivable future at least, PAS by itself cannot assume national power.

It needs the support of the other parties in the BA coalition, parties that are quite opposed to the notion of an Islamic state. Non-Malays and large sections of the Malay community are quite opposed to politics being governed by religion, Islam in particular.

PAS should adopt a more open mind on the question of an Islamic state. It should be open to criticisms and alternative viewpoints as how to make the Malaysian political system more responsive to the needs of the citizens rather than arrogantly and mechanically insisting on the Islamic state principle.

Furthermore, PAS should not think and act on the basis that acceptance of the Islamic state principle will be enhanced if Muslims and non-Muslims really understand what Islam is all about. This, to my mind, is very simplistic and nave on the part of the PAS leadership.

P RAMASAMY is a professor of political economy at the Political Science Department, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia and has academic interests in Malaysian politics and labour. He has written quite extensively and is currently focusing on conflict management in Sri Lanka.