With MCA secretary-general Dr Ting Chew Peh joining the party elections to challenge deputy president Chan Kong Choy, the self-serving myths of harmony, unity, stability, consensus as well as brotherhood and sisterhood within the MCA 'family' have been deconstructed or shattered again.

In addition to the three-cornered fight between Chan, Ting and Chan Tse Yuen for the deputy presidency, Ong Ka Ting will have to defend the presidency against a challenge by vice-president Chua Jui Meng.

Four vice-presidencies will be contested by nine candidates - Dr Fong Chan Onn, Dr Chua Soi Lek, Fu Ah Kiow, Ong Tee Keat, Chor Chee Heung, Tan Chai Ho, Donald Lim Siang Chai, Yap Pian Hon and Chau Tet On.

The simultaneous run-up to the elections of MCA's central committee as well as youth and women wings has created a flurry of activity.

However, at this stage, the focus of delegates, party members and observers seems to be on the outcome of how delegates would match the contestants for the presidency and deputy presidency.

For the ultra-conservative traditionalists, the ideal outcome would be the return of Ong as president and Chan as his deputy, regardless of their performance over the years.

First and foremost, this 'menu' argues that MCA cannot set a precedent for any status quo powers to be overthrown by any challenger because it would set a 'bad' example for the party and in the future cause 'unending chaos' and 'unpredictable instability'.

Established succession

In other words, the Ong-Chan succession line has been established by former Umno president Dr Mahathir Mohamad and accepted by traditional authorities within the party like former president Dr Ling Liong Sik (photo) and his ex-deputy Lim Ah Lek.

Arch-conservatives of all situations and seasons outside the party would probably worry that the breach of the established succession line would embolden others in Umno, MIC, Gerakan and other component parties in Barisan Nasional or even society at large.

Of course, many arch-conservatives and traditionalists themselves were radical rebels in their past. Mahathir, for example, was a young Umno rebel who publicly challenged then incumbent Umno president and prime minister Tunku Abdul Rahman.

Even former MCA president Liong (photo) was once sacked in the early 1980s by then acting president Dr Neo Yee Pan for being a member the 'Gang of 14' which tried to overthrow the incumbents.

Radically opposed to the arch-conservative 'menu' is the so-called 'clean-break reformers' who want to have both Ong and Chan overthrown and replaced by Chua and Ting as the new president and deputy president respectively.

To them, both Ong (photo, right) and Chan (photo, left) have not performed well enough as party leaders to deserve another term in office.

Additionally, MCA could only become respectable again if the images of top party leaders are cleansed from the perceptions of 'triadism', 'money politics', 'rabble-rousing' and 'cronyism' through a successful overthrow of Ong and Chan by a leadership comprising a scholar and a professional.

However, these so-called 'reformers' have forgotten that Chua has dropped, among others, the issues of phantom membership and the MCA takeover of Chinese dailies Nanyang Siang Pau and China Press from his 2005 manifesto.

He has mellowed considerably and has become less radical and more conservative than during the 2002-2003 power struggle.

Even at the height of the Nanyang controversy - when Chua publicly opposed the takeover - he did not say anything about MCA's ownership of The Star.

Moderate strategies

Ting, 62, is an interesting paradox. Previously identified or even self-identified as a 'Team A' conservative who supported the takeover of the two Chinese dailies and the Ong-Chan succession line, he has chosen to become a 'rebel'. Why?

How genuinely reform-minded are the 'reformers'? This is the question that the wider, non-partisan Chinese civil society is asking.

Surely, not everyone thinks in Manichean terms of 'conservative versus reformer'. Two strategies are already in private circulation among some 'moderate' delegates to prevent an Armageddon on Aug 20 when the elections will be held.

One of the 'moderate strategies' is to retain Ong as president but replace his deputy Chan with the 'more respectable' Ting (left), while another one is to retain Chan as the deputy but replace Ong with Chua (right) as the president.

Behind both these 'moderate' and unorthodox 'strategies' is the common reasoning that both elements of 'conservatism' and 'reformism' must be allowed to co-exist to generate vitality in stability - or change in continuity.

This would fit in well into the traditional Chinese cosmogony and philosophy of the Yin-Yang dialectics.

However, the two schools of 'moderate strategies' end their happy agreement just there. The unhappy question before them now is who should be retained for stability and continuity and who should be kicked out to generate vitality and change?

Spoilt votes

Those in the first school feel that Ong is the incumbent paramount chief and should be retained as a symbol of stability and continuity. His dethronement would cause 'instability' and 'uncertainty' of a high order not only in MCA, but - through 'demonstration effect' - also in Umno, MIC and Gerakan.

Retaining Ong and replacing Chan with Ting would suit the interests of former president Ling's hardcore supporters because a Ong-Ting combination would effectively be a Ling succession team if it is remembered that Ting has always been a Ling-inclined conservative.

The second school is of the opinion that a stronger message of 'reform' and 'change' must be sent through the dethronement of Ong, but that it will be necessary to assuage fears of uncertainty and instability in the party and BN by retaining Chan as the deputy president.

If this strategy becomes reality, the Chua-Chan team would mean the full restoration of the 2002-2003 Team B to the top two positions in the party. Ling would not be too happy to see that happen.

However, despite these four organised options, there may be other independent-minded or indecisive, disillusioned, disoriented or angry delegates who may cast their votes in one of the following combinations:

1. Spoilt vote for presidency/support Chan as deputy
2. Spoilt vote for presidency/support Ting as deputy
3. Support Ong as president/spoilt vote for deputy presidency
4. Support Chua as president/spoilt vote for deputy presidency
5. Spoilt votes for both the presidency and deputy presidency

Although spoilt votes may be attributed to illiteracy, it is also most probable that these are cast as subtle marks of conscious protest.

Of course, there may even be delegates who choose not to attend the general assembly for all kinds of reasons, including expressing utter disenchantment or strong protest against what they perceive to be 'dirty politicking' among 'comrades' or 'manipulation' by 'the rich and powerful'.