I am utterly amused to see so many in the opposition who are so deluded as to think Mahathir Mohamad is a nationalist who sincerely hopes to save Malaysia from Najib Abdul Razak’s blatantly corrupt and increasingly arbitrary rule. In Malaysia, political amnesia truly plays out in perplexing ways in the actions of politicians who once vowed to revive and rejuvenate public institutions severely damaged by Mahathir and inherited by Najib.

Let’s be very clear - Mahathir has never been interested in saving the country, for his not-so-hidden agenda has remained the same throughout, that is to maintain his political influence, play the role of a backseat driver, and ensure that his not-so-bright son Mukhriz Mahathir would ascend to the throne of prime minister sooner rather than later.

Barely three years ago, Mahathir went around the country campaigning for Umno in the face of a united opposition. He knew there was a strong likelihood that, with Anwar Ibrahim leading the alternative front and providing a cohesive leadership, Barisan Nasional could be defeated and there would go his dreams of sustaining the Mahathir dynasty.

Yes, it was a time when Najib was busying seeking political ‘donations’ from various sources within and outside of the country, while the 1MDB scandal was quietly in the making. Only a fool would assume Mahathir was not kept abreast of the secrets in the Prime Minister’s Office.

Still, he went all out to shore up support for Umno, to the extent of resorting to his usual racist antics such as Pakatan Rakyat would turn Malaysia into another Singapore (with the innuendo that Malays would be marginalised while Chinese would prosper), and Lim Kit Siang was pitting Chinese against Malays.

Mahathir’s goal, meanwhile, was simple and clear - Umno and, by extension, BN, must win GE13 at all costs, but must not allow to regain the badly needed two-thirds majority, otherwise it would be hard for him to find a reason to force Najib to step down and make way for others.

Precisely as expected, Mahathir launched his crusade against Najib just months after BN secured a pyrrhic victory, when there was no sign of a succession plan within Umno. Indeed, he was and is running against time.

Divide and rule has characterised Mahathir’s chequered political career. Shortly after becoming Umno president and thereby prime minister in 1981, Mahathir declared the deputy president post up for grabs so as to drive a wedge between Musa Hitam and Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, popularly known as Kuli.

After Musa won the contest, Mahathir kept Kuli in the cabinet to keep Musa’s ambitions at bay, but at the same time parachuted Anwar Ibrahim into the highest echelons of the party and government to check against both.

Mahathir’s ‘statesman’ moment came when the Hat Yai Peace Accords with Chin Peng, the general-secretary of the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM), was signed in 1989 that ended four decades of communist insurgency.

It was clearly spelt out in the agreements that all former CPM members would be allowed to return to and settle down in Malaysia, but Mahathir reneged on his promise even before the ink became dry. Till today, only a handful of CPM members, such as Shamsiah Fakeh, successfully returned and died peacefully in the motherland. Chin Peng himself died a bitter man in Bangkok in 2013.

Destruction of checks and balances

The 1980s and 1990s are perhaps sorely missed for the short-lived ‘economic miracle’, but are best remembered for the ultimate destruction of the vitally important institutions of checks and balances. The judiciary, the police, the media, the Election Commission and Parliament either became docile or nominal.

Of course, the unceremonious sacking of Anwar and the flagrant abuse of power by Mahathir triggered the biggest political crisis in the country, and it was the former Team B leaders such as Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and Rais Yatim who stood faithfully behind Mahathir and helped save his skin.

And I can go on and on about how Mahathir exploited the PAS platform to engineer the downfall of Tunku Abdul Rahman and later persecuted its members, branded the Chinese community ‘communist’ after securing their support in the 1999 general elections, accused the Malays of being ingrates in order to divert the real issues, used teargas and water cannon against peaceful protesters while telling CNN and BBC that Malaysian democracy remained ‘vibrant and competitive’, and demonised the online media including Malaysiakini.com, only to seek their help after his freedom of speech, too, was curtailed by the Abdullah government in the mid 2000s.

It is therefore most comical that the very same people that were stigmatised and even incarcerated by Mahathir are now urging the public to overlook ‘our differences’ and unite against Najib, and these would include Tian Chua, Azmin Ali, Hishamuddin Rais, Lim Kit Siang, Nurul Izzah Anwar and, of course, Anwar Ibrahim.

While I am not in a position to stop anyone from joining the Mahathir coalition, I cannot help thinking of the ordinary people who suffered the teargas, water cannon, arbitrary detention, loss of livelihood and even lives just to register their anger and protest over the destruction of justice and fairness under Mahathir. It is these people, some of whom I am proud to have stood side by side with in the past, that I must remember and honour.

And I will not hesitate to make it clear that it is the failure of the opposition parties to address their ideological differences, coupled with their inability to offer policy alternatives regarding critically important issues such as youth unemployment, rural poverty, income disparity and costs of living that have led to the political quagmire.

Their habitual bickering certainly does not help, too. In short, it is their very sad state of affairs that has made working with Mahathir look appealing and feasible, prompting them to take the easy way out.

But beware, once Najib is toppled and a potential successor emerges from within the same old Umno, Mahathir will quickly return to the fold as the ultimate power broker. Given the vast resources and the state machinery that the party enjoys, it does not take a genius to figure out who will be having the last laugh. Not making good on promises has long been Mahathir’s hallmark.

And before anyone accuses me of being on Najib’s payroll, just go and check out my Facebook cover photo. For those who think they have a long spoon and hence can afford to sup with the devil, I wish them luck.

JOSH HONG studied politics at London Metropolitan University and the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. A keen watcher of domestic and international politics, he longs for a day when Malaysians will learn and master the art of self-mockery, and enjoy life to the full in spite of politicians.