opinion

When it comes to party elections, the actions of the contenders speak several decibel points louder than their words. The party should no longer mix business and politics.

The message is clear: You must take the law seriously: if you are corrupt, you will be punished no matter who you are.

Maintaining that Umno is not turning a blind eye to the situation, some quarters in the party tried to downplay the concern, but other senior leaders admitted to being worried by it.

"Any attempt to convert money into votes - or to mobilise it towards political ends - would be an abuse of power and democracy.

"How can elections be free if any of the delegates vote not by their own political will but on other incentives?

How can polls be fair if one group has an advantage, its opponents could never hope to match?" asked an Umno veteran leader.

"Otherwise, it's like putting a tiger and a goat in the same cage. You can't expect the tiger to protect the goat!" he added.

Moving forward

Clearly, Umno is moving forward, but that raises the question: what happens at the other end?

Perhaps there is no better explanation than this one offered by a young leader: "Everybody was so excited last year. We felt that change was coming, that democracy would win. But that feeling passed as time went on."

As another senior member point out: "Talk doesn't count for anything; it is just talk. In the end, defiance was clearly the flavour or the day."

"What we are trying to do is shape the kind of future that we want for our party. I do see complications, given the outcome of the elections and given the balance of power as it stands. But I am positive," says another party member.

Meet the same people in private, though, and the enthusiasm is not as keen.

World history is full of individuals and leaders who have enriched themselves in all sorts of unsavoury deals at the expense of the public. Among ordinary members, the task for vengence is likely fostered by the sense that the country's progress was built on their backs, and that the money that found its way to those individuals and leaders was taken from their pockets. In this they are exactly right.

For the real problem here is not those culprits, but the top-down system where those with political pull got all the breaks (and especially credit) while those without connection were left out in the cold.

When business becomes a matter of connection, who can be surprised when politicians become rich? It is politically and morally unacceptable behaviour. And we would feel better if the leadership devotes as much energy to reforming the system that allows those culprits to amass their millions.

Future leaders

Major political adjustment, however, can be difficult to understand in the short term. Some are blaming the mistakes of past administrations for the present situation.

But politics is not a morality play, because human motives even in the best of circumstances are generally mixed, and the greater good often means swallowing a small evil in the interests of preventing a far greater one.

Upcoming Umno leaders acknowledged that the party should take a political risk. They insisted that it is necessary for the wider good of the party and the nation. Reiterating their long-standing conviction that the well-being of any society depends on the quality of its leadership, they said that Umno owes its present affluence to the exceptional ability of its past and present leaders. They will have to be replaced by younger men of similar ability, drive and integrity, they say, if Umno is to continue to prosper.

Many party members share this view.

What qualities must the future party leaders have - and which are the key task he faces? lt is crucial that they set the right precedents from the outset. They must therefore be people who command the trust and respect of Umno members and be able to work with them. Needless to say, to be an effective leader they must also have the support of the members.

They themselves must be neutral in the world of business: they should not hold any position besides head of divisions. They must nurture, indeed augment, these traditions. A leader must have a keen understanding of party affairs. And the leaders must be ready to interact with the media and the public to explain his policies as necessary. The idea is that, while people may grumble initially, they will, once the results are in, see that the move is right and continue to support the party.

The question is how well Umno's elected leaders can guide the party through this difficult phase. And most members, and political analysts - both foreign and domestic - acknowledge that in recent months, party leadership has begun taking steps to address the problem. The party has also set up an investigating committee chaired by Ahmad Rithaudeen to dealt with the complaints on money politics.

Money politics

Although there are attempts to play down the growing concerns about the rise of complaints on money politics, Umno should consider the establishment of an appropriate mechanism to overcome it. In fact, the promise to consider the establishment of such mechanism seems to have been largely forgotten, but the members have not forgotten.

This in turn suggests as if they had little intention to set up such mechanism, but were merely trying to get some favourable publicity at a time when the attention was focused on the issue. It's time to look afresh at the key to meeting this challenge. Otherwise, Umno could be dealing with the after-effects of money politics well into the middle of the decade. And our doubts have to do with the effect it will have on the nation because the danger of money politics can be repeated again and again.

A split has been developing for some time in the ranks of Umno - between old timer hardliners and those who see that the party has more to offer. It reflects clearly how the party has changed since the 1987 incidents where a significant split within Umno was out in the open.

The members seemed at ease in the eye of the political storm, that's not how a lot of other people see it. The language and the gestures they use may differ, but the message they convey is the same. This probably reflects members' feelings on the issue rather accurately. It's too early to declare the problem is solved.

Indeed, the political turbulence is far from over. As it is now, young Umno leaders are having a hard time understanding why they cannot do things that senior members did before. Most of them have the political and organisational skills to lead the divisions. But obviously the party leadership doesn't see that as reason enough for Umno to allow them to hold more senior party posts, including at divisional levels.

The leadership must approach the situation in a new spirit. Many party veterans called for a reappraisal of Umno "political building blocks" in response to the emergence of what they call "new social classes and new aspirations". A shake-up at the top of Umno leadership is a necessity to bring in new blood in the inner circle of political decision-makers.

Their presence will blend the experience of the party's leadership and the vitality of a new generation. This will help Umno to emerge as the party with approachable leaders.

No one knows how this problem will be solved, but there are plenty of tea leaves that should be read. This is hardly the first time that a debate over party election, has determined Umno policies, as we are reminded by a number of party problems few would have predicted years ago. The fact is, there will always be conflicts over the speed of reform.

Working model

Apparently, Umno sees two lessons from the way party contenders have garnered political support, which are also echoed in the local media. Obviously their manoeuvres have given Umno top leaders an acute political headache and are feeling the heat of a process they encourage as party leaders. This development has led some observers to believe that playing field may be about to change.

Although Umno leaders insisted there was no cause for alarm, they seemed as eager to deflect blame as to reassure members. However, few of their members are impressed. It's just the same stuff that has been in the newspapers over the past two or three months.

To cushion the effect, the party leadership is fanning the flames of nationalism to shore up its power and hold the party together. The party and government are pursuing a campaign of "patriotic education" under the slogan of ' Malaysia Boleh! '. The objective is to build a "politically, economically and culturally unified" country.

Scenes of turmoil in Indonesia and Philippine broadcast extensively on RTM's national network helped, by convincing many Malaysians that a strong government is essential for stability.

"Not that we don't have some sympathy for Umno, but after what we have seen, the leadership has to be more careful and not go about doing what they have for the past years-not so careless," says a senior political analyst.

Still Umno - the back of Barisan Nasional - is in no danger of being thrown out of office in the foreseeable future. Its record of achievement and the lack of credible opposition at the federal level, will ensure its continued rule for many years yet.

But many of us continue to hope that Umno will see the huge advantages in maintaining the transparent and well-established party's election rules. This has been one of the keys to Umno's growth as a major member of BN which is also the ruling government. It is also a working model, worth plagiarising, for those in BN.

Members of today's competing factions in Umno may be in the best position to understand the value of a party system where rights are equal and election of party leaders are based on merit, not on politics. At this sensitive time, the last thing anyone wants is the return to the turmoil of the 1987 party election.

In that election, the pursuit of money sapped party ideology and corrupted members, delegates candidates, leaders, as well as weakened loyalty to the central leadership.

NASH RAHMAN is former chief news editor of Berita Harian , former editor of the now defunct daily Watan and former associate editor of The Sun .