From the forts to the presidential palace
Farish A NoorPublished: Oct 19, 2004 3:11 AM | Updated: Jan 29, 2008 10:21 AM
Indonesia's recent elections confirm a trend that seems to be more and more pervasive these days: Whenever Washington is on the lookout for 'moderate Muslim leaders', its attention falls on old hands and ex-soldiers who have been trained by none other than Uncle Sam himself!
While it is true that the administration of Megawati Sukarnoputri failed to deliver on many counts - notably to bring about a turnaround in the Indonesian economy - it was at least committed to some kind of democratic reform.
The new administration, however, talks about the 'war on terror' and the need to restore law and order in a manner that would suit the needs and calm the fears of the USA, more than anything.
Indonesia's recent elections confirm a trend that seems to be more and more pervasive these days: Whenever Washington is on the lookout for 'moderate Muslim leaders', its attention falls on old hands and ex-soldiers who have been trained by none other than Uncle Sam himself!
While it is true that the administration of Megawati Sukarnoputri failed to deliver on many counts - notably to bring about a turnaround in the Indonesian economy - it was at least committed to some kind of democratic reform.
The new administration, however, talks about the 'war on terror' and the need to restore law and order in a manner that would suit the needs and calm the fears of the USA, more than anything.
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) was born on Sept 9 1949 in Pacitan, East Java to a family that already enjoyed close links to the Indonesian armed forces. His father, R Soekotji, was a serving officer in the army and he retired with the rank of first lieutenant of the armed forces of the Indonesian Republic (ABRI).
His family were also linked to the royal houses of Java, and their lineage could be traced back to the rulers Hamengkubuwono II (of the royal house of Jogjakarta) and Pakubuwono (of the royal house of Surakarta).
During his early childhood he was educated according to the national curriculum of the state schools of Indonesia. His religious education was given to him courtesy of his mother, Sitti Habibah.
In 1968 he enrolled in the Technological Institute of Surabaya (ITS), though his main aim was to enlist in the army. In 1970 he enrolled in the Academy of the Armed Forces of the Indonesian Republic (Akabri) and three years later (in 1973) graduated with the highest honours among all the students in the country.
This earned him the Adhi Makasaya award of academic merit from Akabri. From there he began his military career, as a promising young officer noted for his academic abilities and personal discipline.
Military career
Having distinguished himself as the most promising military cadet of his year, Bambang was selected for further education and training by Abri, both within the country and abroad, particularly in the US.
During the New Order regime (1967-1998) of General-turned-President Soeharto, Indonesia was under constant surveillance and supervision of the United States.
America, along with Israel and a number of European allies, invested heavily in the Indonesian state and economy and both America and Israel were instrumental in the training and development of key Indonesian security units, such as the Indonesian Intelligence Service (BIN) and the country's elite commando unit, Kopassus.
Young officers who demonstrated promise and abilities were regularly promoted and sent abroad for further training in the USA, and Bambang was one of them.
In 1976 he took part in the US Airborne and Rangers course at Fort Benning, Georgia, while attending an American Language course at Lackland, Texas, at the same time.
In 1982-83 he took part in the Infantry Officers Advanced course at Fort Benning (where he graduated with honours); in 1983 he took part in the jungle warfare training course in Panama; and in 1984 participated in the Antitank Weapons course that was conducted in Belgium and Germany.
In the course of his academic work and training he also took part in 'on the job' training with the 82nd US Airborne Division at Fort Bragg (in 1983). Bambang's working relationship with the USA continued well into the 1990s, and in 1990-91, he was at the Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas.
He also obtained a Masters of Arts (MA) degree in management from Webster University, Missouri at the same time.
Bambang's training and education paid dividends almost immediately: His first active military command was as commander of the third platoon of 330/Tri Dharma Airborne Infantry unit of the Strategic Command (Kostrad).
He then became the commander of the second platoon (305/Tengkorak), Konstrad, between 1976-77 and led the platoon while in action in East Timor. As one of the most promising Indonesian junior officers of his generation, he was ordered to conduct training and education programmes within the Indonesian army (ABRI) as well.
He was made the Commander of the Infantry Training Academy between 1983 to 1985, and served with a number of important units in various military operations, both in Indonesia and abroad.
Rise in ABRI hierarchy
Within the country he was known as one of the senior commanders who were put in charge of military and security operations in East Timor. His first tour of command there, was between 1979 to 1980, and his second between 1986 to 1988.
Despite the global outcry over the violent military invasion and subsequent annexation of East Timor in 1974, it remains a fact that many of the Indonesian officers who were stationed there were trained by the USA and other Western states, and Bambang was one of them.
Thanks to his accomplishments on the field and while in command of his troops, Bambang rose within the hierarchy of ABRI to become the co-ordinator of the private staff (Korspri) to general edi sudrajat in 1993.
Due in part to his standing within the armed forces, he was proposed as chief military observer to the United Nations Protection Force (UNPF) in Bosnia-Herzegovina, during the peak of the Bosnian crisis in 1995, and accepted for the post.
Upon his return to Indonesia he rose even higher and faster due to the evident shift in public opinion and open hostility being shown to the Soeharto regime and the armed forces at the time.
The Asian financial crisis of 1997-98 led to mass demonstrations by students and civil society groups, who called for the resignation of Soeharto and the trial of key ABRI leaders. In the midst of this upheaval, Bambang was one of the few senior officers who could still maintain a dialogue with civil society organisations and student demonstrators.
While other senior ABRI leaders like Major-General Wiranto were being accused of crimes against humanity in places like East Timor, Bambang was promoted and made the head of the ABRI representation at the People's Assembly (ABRI-MPR) in 1998.
Following the resignation of Soeharto in May 1998 and the collapse of the New Order regime, Bambang was promoted to the post of Chief of Territorial Command (1998-99).
Political career
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's political career began as soon as he retired from the army in Jan 2000. While still holding the rank of Lieutenant General, he served as the minister for energy in the cabinet of President Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur).
Following the withdrawal of General Wiranto from politics (due to charges of criminal abuse of human rights in the East Timor campaign), Bambang was then put in charge of national security by Gus Dur as well.
Bambang was one of the few faces of the New Order era who managed to survive the transition from military to civilian rule. Due to his close links to ABRI and the Soeharto family, he was asked by President Abdurrahman Wahid to lobby the Soeharto family personally, and to persuade them to return the wealth that they had transferred abroad during the peak of the 97-98 economic crisis and the collapse of the Indonesian economy.
His public image was also boosted due to his numerous campaigns to restore law and order, a theme that he stuck with as soon as he embarked on his political career.
As the man in charge of security and the maintenance of law and order, Bambang was asked by President Wahid to set up the National Crisis Centre in 2001, a loosely structured, information gathering and policy-setting group that reported directly to the President.
Thus despite his status as retired general, Bambang was allowed to maintain close working links with the Indonesian army, police, intelligence and security services.
In 2001, Bambang fell out with President Wahid, when the latter insisted on pushing forward with a presidential decree that would give him more power to deal with the crisis in the country.
In the elections that came soon after, Bambang formed an alliance with Megawati Sukarnoputri. Following the victory of Megawati, Hamzah Haz was made vice-president and Bambang was brought into her cabinet. He was put in charge of the troubles in Aceh, North Sumatra.
As minister of security it was Bambang who announced the state of emergency in Aceh on May 19 2003, while at the same time trying to solve the disputes in Ambon and Poso. Despite the protests of various human rights groups, both within and without the country, the Indonesian army responded to the Aceh disturbances with characteristic force and violence.
Disputes with Megawati
Bambang was able to weather the storm of criticism due to his own strong support from the army and the passive support of the Indonesian public, who wished to see the troubles in Aceh resolved once and for all.
However, he was less successful in negotiating the feudal political culture of Jakarta and by early 2004 was again involved in disputes with the president, over issues related to the chain of command and his own authority.
After failing to come to an acceptable resolution for both sides, Bambang withdrew from Megawati's cabinet and made known his intention to compete against her at the coming elections.
Finally in September 2004 Bambang - along with his running mate Muhammad Jusuf Kalla Bambang stood against the pairing of Megawati Sukarnoputri and Kyai Hasyim Muzadi.
Owing to his reputation as a leader who stood firm on the question of law and order, and his track record as an army officer and key player in the Indonesian security/intelligence network, Bambang managed to persuade most of the voters that he was the man who could deliver on his promise to restore calm and stability to the country.
Warmly greeted
After seven years the Indonesian economy had yet to recover from the financial crisis of 1997-98 and the spate of bombings in Bali and Jakarta had sullied Indonesia's image abroad - particularly among foreign investors and tourists.
Promising that he would rid the country of religious extremism, terror networks and communal violence, Bambang and Jusuf Kalla managed to secure 61 percent of the votes at the elections of Sept 2004. In Oct 2004, he was declared the winner and the next president of Indonesia.
The spectacular rise of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was warmly greeted by other neighbouring Asean countries and Western governments.
A long-time ally and friend of the USA, Bambang the American-trained army officer who served the pro-Western New Order regime of Soeharto was touted as the man who could bring about Indonesia's recovery and improve the country's relationship with the West.
Yet at home many human rights groups, workers movements and the more liberal sections of the Indonesian press have expressed concern about the man's links to the armed forces and security
services; as well as the fact that his role in the New Order regime and his part in the East Timor campaign have apparently gone unnoticed by foreign governments.
While it is true that the administration of Megawati Sukarnoputri failed to deliver on many counts - notably to bring about a turnaround in the Indonesian economy - it was at least committed to some kind of democratic reform.
The new administration, however, talks about the 'war on terror' and the need to restore law and order in a manner that would suit the needs and calm the fears of the USA, more than anything.
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) was born on Sept 9 1949 in Pacitan, East Java to a family that already enjoyed close links to the Indonesian armed forces. His father, R Soekotji, was a serving officer in the army and he retired with the rank of first lieutenant of the armed forces of the Indonesian Republic (ABRI).
His family were also linked to the royal houses of Java, and their lineage could be traced back to the rulers Hamengkubuwono II (of the royal house of Jogjakarta) and Pakubuwono (of the royal house of Surakarta). During his early childhood he was educated according to the national curriculum of the state schools of Indonesia. His religious education was given to him courtesy of his mother, Sitti Habibah.
In 1968 he enrolled in the Technological Institute of Surabaya (ITS), though his main aim was to enlist in the army. In 1970 he enrolled in the Academy of the Armed Forces of the Indonesian Republic (Akabri) and three years later (in 1973) graduated with the highest honours among all the students in the country.
This earned him the Adhi Makasaya award of academic merit from Akabri. From there he began his military career, as a promising young officer noted for his academic abilities and personal discipline.
Military career
Having distinguished himself as the most promising military cadet of his year, Bambang was selected for further education and training by Abri, both within the country and abroad, particularly in the US.
During the New Order regime (1967-1998) of General-turned-President Soeharto, Indonesia was under constant surveillance and supervision of the United States. America, along with Israel and a number of European allies, invested heavily in the Indonesian state and economy and both America and Israel were instrumental in the training and development of key Indonesian security units, such as the Indonesian Intelligence Service (BIN) and the country's elite commando unit, Kopassus.
Young officers who demonstrated promise and abilities were regularly promoted and sent abroad for further training in the USA, and Bambang was one of them.
In 1976 he took part in the US Airborne and Rangers course at Fort Benning, Georgia, while attending an American Language course at Lackland, Texas, at the same time.
In 1982-83 he took part in the Infantry Officers Advanced course at Fort Benning (where he graduated with honours); in 1983 he took part in the jungle warfare training course in Panama; and in 1984 participated in the Antitank Weapons course that was conducted in Belgium and Germany.
In the course of his academic work and training he also took part in 'on the job' training with the 82nd US Airborne Division at Fort Bragg (in 1983). Bambang's working relationship with the USA continued well into the 1990s, and in 1990-91, he was at the Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas.
He also obtained a Masters of Arts (MA) degree in management from Webster University, Missouri at the same time.
Bambang's training and education paid dividends almost immediately: His first active military command was as commander of the third platoon of 330/Tri Dharma Airborne Infantry unit of the Strategic Command (Kostrad).
He then became the commander of the second platoon (305/Tengkorak), Konstrad, between 1976-77 and led the platoon while in action in East Timor. As one of the most promising Indonesian junior officers of his generation, he was ordered to conduct training and education programmes within the Indonesian army (ABRI) as well.
He was made the Commander of the Infantry Training Academy between 1983 to 1985, and served with a number of important units in various military operations, both in Indonesia and abroad.
Rise in ABRI hierarchy
Within the country he was known as one of the senior commanders who were put in charge of military and security operations in East Timor. His first tour of command there, was between 1979 to 1980, and his second between 1986 to 1988.
Despite the global outcry over the violent military invasion and subsequent annexation of East Timor in 1974, it remains a fact that many of the Indonesian officers who were stationed there were trained by the USA and other Western states, and Bambang was one of them.
Thanks to his accomplishments on the field and while in command of his troops, Bambang rose within the hierarchy of ABRI to become the co-ordinator of the private staff (Korspri) to general edi sudrajat in 1993.
Due in part to his standing within the armed forces, he was proposed as chief military observer to the United Nations Protection Force (UNPF) in Bosnia-Herzegovina, during the peak of the Bosnian crisis in 1995, and accepted for the post.
Upon his return to Indonesia he rose even higher and faster due to the evident shift in public opinion and open hostility being shown to the Soeharto regime and the armed forces at the time.
The Asian financial crisis of 1997-98 led to mass demonstrations by students and civil society groups, who called for the resignation of Soeharto and the trial of key ABRI leaders. In the midst of this upheaval, Bambang was one of the few senior officers who could still maintain a dialogue with civil society organisations and student demonstrators.
While other senior ABRI leaders like Major-General Wiranto were being accused of crimes against humanity in places like East Timor, Bambang was promoted and made the head of the ABRI representation at the People's Assembly (ABRI-MPR) in 1998.
Following the resignation of Soeharto in May 1998 and the collapse of the New Order regime, Bambang was promoted to the post of Chief of Territorial Command (1998-99).
Political career
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's political career began as soon as he retired from the army in Jan 2000. While still holding the rank of Lieutenant General, he served as the minister for energy in the cabinet of President Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur).
Following the withdrawal of General Wiranto from politics (due to charges of criminal abuse of human rights in the East Timor campaign), Bambang was then put in charge of national security by Gus Dur as well. Bambang was one of the few faces of the New Order era who managed to survive the transition from military to civilian rule. Due to his close links to ABRI and the Soeharto family, he was asked by President Abdurrahman Wahid to lobby the Soeharto family personally, and to persuade them to return the wealth that they had transferred abroad during the peak of the 97-98 economic crisis and the collapse of the Indonesian economy.
His public image was also boosted due to his numerous campaigns to restore law and order, a theme that he stuck with as soon as he embarked on his political career.
As the man in charge of security and the maintenance of law and order, Bambang was asked by President Wahid to set up the National Crisis Centre in 2001, a loosely structured, information gathering and policy-setting group that reported directly to the President.
Thus despite his status as retired general, Bambang was allowed to maintain close working links with the Indonesian army, police, intelligence and security services.
In 2001, Bambang fell out with President Wahid, when the latter insisted on pushing forward with a presidential decree that would give him more power to deal with the crisis in the country.
In the elections that came soon after, Bambang formed an alliance with Megawati Sukarnoputri. Following the victory of Megawati, Hamzah Haz was made vice-president and Bambang was brought into her cabinet. He was put in charge of the troubles in Aceh, North Sumatra. As minister of security it was Bambang who announced the state of emergency in Aceh on May 19 2003, while at the same time trying to solve the disputes in Ambon and Poso. Despite the protests of various human rights groups, both within and without the country, the Indonesian army responded to the Aceh disturbances with characteristic force and violence.
Disputes with Megawati
Bambang was able to weather the storm of criticism due to his own strong support from the army and the passive support of the Indonesian public, who wished to see the troubles in Aceh resolved once and for all.
However, he was less successful in negotiating the feudal political culture of Jakarta and by early 2004 was again involved in disputes with the president, over issues related to the chain of command and his own authority.
After failing to come to an acceptable resolution for both sides, Bambang withdrew from Megawati's cabinet and made known his intention to compete against her at the coming elections.
Finally in September 2004 Bambang - along with his running mate Muhammad Jusuf Kalla Bambang stood against the pairing of Megawati Sukarnoputri and Kyai Hasyim Muzadi.
Owing to his reputation as a leader who stood firm on the question of law and order, and his track record as an army officer and key player in the Indonesian security/intelligence network, Bambang managed to persuade most of the voters that he was the man who could deliver on his promise to restore calm and stability to the country.
Warmly greeted
After seven years the Indonesian economy had yet to recover from the financial crisis of 1997-98 and the spate of bombings in Bali and Jakarta had sullied Indonesia's image abroad - particularly among foreign investors and tourists.
Promising that he would rid the country of religious extremism, terror networks and communal violence, Bambang and Jusuf Kalla managed to secure 61 percent of the votes at the elections of Sept 2004. In Oct 2004, he was declared the winner and the next president of Indonesia.
The spectacular rise of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was warmly greeted by other neighbouring Asean countries and Western governments.
A long-time ally and friend of the USA, Bambang the American-trained army officer who served the pro-Western New Order regime of Soeharto was touted as the man who could bring about Indonesia's recovery and improve the country's relationship with the West.
Yet at home many human rights groups, workers movements and the more liberal sections of the Indonesian press have expressed concern about the man's links to the armed forces and security
services; as well as the fact that his role in the New Order regime and his part in the East Timor campaign have apparently gone unnoticed by foreign governments.
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