Give peace a chance at summit

In February 1992, the US government led by President George HW Bush published the draft of the Defence Planning Guidance which envisaged a greater role on the part of Washington in establishing and protecting a new world order subsequent to the end of the Cold War. The same draft also advised the successive administrations to discourage other advanced industrial nations from challenging the US leadership by accounting sufficiently for their interests.

Most notably, the draft went a step further by arguing that the US must maintain “the mechanisms for deterring potential competitors from even aspiring to a larger regional or global role”.

Fast forward to 2013, much water has flowed under the bridge. After two decades of living obliviously, Russia suddenly rediscovered its erstwhile pereminence through the Syrian crisis. Prior to that, the US had been working untiringly to ensure no potential rival would emerge in regions vital for its interests, the Middle East in particular, until President Vladimir Putin (left) stuck to his guns and threatened retaliation should Barack Obama go ahead with bombing Syria.

The geopolitical chessboard was nearly overturned and Putin became an overnight ‘messenger of peace’, much to the world’s surprise.

Although Obama assumed the presidency in 2009 on the premise of resetting US foreign policy through dialogue, consultation and engagement, he was forced to abandon the initial platform by events beyond his control as well as at the urgings of the neocons who remain hugely influential in the White House.

One must not forget that, being the sole superpower, the US does need to safeguard its military superiority, although this strategy has committed one president after another to a very demanding and costly international role.

Meanwhile, Obama’s (right) scheduled visits to the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia and Brunei will send a strong signal that, having withdrawn itself from the Asia-Pacific region in the 1990s, the US is ready to make a formidable return.

The Asia Pacific, while one of the most economically prosperous and fastest growing regions, is fraught with diplomaticlandmines. From the Taiwan issue, North Korea’s nuclear programmes, the Sino-Japanese rivalry and the territorial disputes involving China and several South-East Asian nations, the US’ geopolitical influence is keenly felt.

In terms of Sino-Japanese relations, Beijing was pleased at one time pleased with the military constraints imposed by Washington on Tokyo, but China’s rapid military development and phenomenal growth as a regional power have changed that.

Since the early 2000s, the US has been actively encouraging Japan to revise the latter’s Peace Constitution and set its Self-Defence Forces free. Should it come to pass, there would be serious repercussions due to China’s and the two Koreas’ deep-seated mistrust of Japan over historical issues.

Golden opportunity

Hence, the East Asia Summit (EAS) 2013 that is to be held in Brunei on Oct 10 represents a golden opportunity for the participant-states to reiterate their commitment to suing for peace in resolving all kinds of contentious issues.

The Draft Declaration on the Framework Principles of Strengthening Security and Developing Cooperation in the Asia Pacific Region, proposed by none other than Russia, is based on other fundamental documents such as the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in South-East Asia, the Declaration of the East Asia Summit on the Principles for Mutually Beneficial Relations as well as the Russia-China Initiative on Strengthening Secuirty in the Asia Pacific Region.

The Draft Declaration also reflects principles of supremacy of international law, indivisibility of security, peaceful settlements of disputes, renunciation of use of force or the threat of use of force, establishing partner relations between multilateral institutions in the Asia Pacific.

This aspect now has a deeper meaning after what happened to Syria, and a successful adoption of the draft would mean a non-aggressive resolution of any crisis in the region. In sum, the Draft Declaration - as a joint initiative between Asean, Russia, China and other EAS participant states - would serve as a basic instrument of regional security in Asia Pacific.

It is also possible that, after adoption, the Draft Declaration would be open to other Asean Dialogue partners, including the European Union and Canada.

The world has seen too many military conflicts since the early 1990s, and it would seem that war has been engulfing one region after another, often instigated by certain big powers.

It is therefore crucially important for smaller nations such as Malaysia to lend its support to the Draft Declartion as a confidence-building mechanism, in the hope that mutually acceptable solutions to regional tensions can be found, just like the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation has proven itself to be an effective instrument in tackling crime and averting potential conflict between Russia, China and the Central Asian states.

Given the many faultlines in the region, legally binding documents, international agreements and principles of cooperation in political, economic and humanitarian spheres should always prevail over sabre-rattling. It is thus hoped that all the Asia-Pacific countries will not delay in reaching this very significant milestone.

JOSH HONG studied politics at London Metropolitan University and the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. A keen watcher of domestic and international politics, he longs for a day when Malaysians will learn and master the art of self-mockery, and enjoy life to the full in spite of politicians.