History has often proved that religion and politics can be a calamitous synergy and now opposition party PAS finds itself labouring under a similar conundrum.

Its puritanical and pedantic ideology has produced much discomfort among non-Muslims and moderate Muslims alike, with some even comparing it to the deposed rulers of Afghanistan.

Urbanites especially are alarmed by its robed leaders who delve into the Quran to justify policies and their stern panaceas for the subjective issue of moral decadence.

One poignant concern raised is how a party whose constitution forbids non-Muslims from becoming members could effectively represent and rule a multi-religious and multi-cultural society.

The again, politics in Malaysia has always been divided along racial/ religious lines, something her citizens have grown accustomed to.

PAS has been constantly advised to shed its dogmatic image in favour of a more mass-acceptable one if it is serious in becoming a potent political force on the federal level.

Even fellow oppositionists have prophesied a bleak future should the party remain 'heaven-bent' on maintaining its stand.

Not helping, are the 'fiery' speeches by its leaders, which in the past would have been ignored, but is now pounced upon by the media and when peppered with reactions from the so-called moderate end of the political spectrum, serves to malign the party further.

For a party whose adversary is seen to have absolute control over the state apparatuses, the judiciary and the media, its leaders should be more circumspect in what they say in order not to risk a devastating retaliation, albeit an unfounded one.

Inadvertent victim

In a nutshell, PAS is an inadvertent victim of the 1998 Anwar Ibrahim saga which created the widest political fissure in the nation's history, spanning across every race and creed.

The crisis not only saw the indoctrination of the average Malaysian with democratic ideals and aspirations, but also served to empower the opposition.

Overnight, there was overwhelming chastisement for the ruling Barisan Nasional government and issues relating to human rights, once confined within the boundaries of the academia, were being discussed in coffee-shops.

This caught the opposition parties by surprise. Suddenly they were thrust into the limelight both domestically and internationally. The goal of a victory at the polls no longer appeared to be an unrealistic one.

DAP's 'Malaysian Malaysia' and PRM's socialist leanings survived the test of public scrutiny while the fledgling Keadilan's multi-racial approach also courted widespread attraction.

However, PAS' theocratic goals bombed and the party was flooded with questions on the fairness of Islamic laws which many felt were retrogressive and would spell doom for a progressive country like Malaysia.

Four years have passed and its leaders are still frantically trying in vain to assuage these fears. The party's appeal especially in urban areas is declining as the tremors from the 1998 quake begin to calm.

Prior to the Anwar crisis, PAS' Islamist stance served its political ambitions well. The party hoped to clinch one, two or at most three predominantly Muslim/Malay states.

But when it was forced to explain itself to the secular, intellectual middle-class Malaysian and the international community, it found itself in a predicament. It was trapped in a web it wove.

On the other hand, should PAS decide to heed the advice of its compatriots and discard its Islamic state aim, it would certainly be viewed as a treacherous act by its Muslim power base and the outcome could prove disastrous for the party that controls two east coast states.

Its leaders would be accused of succumbing to the lure of greater power and pawning a long standing heritage, for without Islamic state, there is no PAS.

BA affected

The problems faced by the party are also taking a toll on Barisan Alternatif, causing disquiet among those who viewed the opposition alliance as a much-awaited substitute for the ruling coalition.

Some pundits have already sounded the death knell for the four-year-old font, stating that the recent release of six reformasi leaders from their two-year Internal Security Act detention reflected that it was no longer deemed a threat by its opponent.

The disgruntled voices are calling on Keadilan and PRM - soon to be a merged entity - to distance itself from PAS in order to save themselves from a crushing defeat at the next polls.

At this juncture, PAS is left with three options albeit Hobson ones.

The first would be for the party to discard its Islamic state goal with the risk of having such a move backfire. For its leaders are not merely seen as politicians but as the rightful servants of God as well by certain quarters.

This may also provide fodder for its opponents to launch a campaign questioning the integrity of PAS leaders.

Second, it could declare independence from the opposition front and let the voters decide to welcome or shun its policies. But this may prove detrimental for the opposition on the whole as it will lead to three or four-way contests.

Third, it could allow the merged Keadilan-PRM party to helm the BA while it resigns to the backdrop and concentrate on areas where it is sure of support thus playing a complimentary role.

However, this would be belittling the party's influence and history, a move which will definitely infuriate its members.

So given the above scenario, it appears that PAS is in an intricate situation and more crucial is the fact that time is running out. As long as things remain unchanged, BN will reign supreme at the next elections as well.

As one observer puts it, "The masses may accept a political leader who is religious but will always remain suspect of a political party that is religious."