The sandiwara over the Economist's articles indicates that, for many in the Umno leadership, personal interest comes before national interests. At a time when the nation is haunted by an unfolding socio-economic crisis, some Umno leaders have apparently decided that it's more important to jockey for ministerial posts in the anticipated (but by no means certain) post-Mahathir administration.

That these personalities could jockey for attention in such a public manner testifies, firstly, to the failure of political commentators to demand from BN what BN has demanded of the opposition: a clear public policy, a "manifesto" if you like, o­n how to tackle the nation's socio-economic malaise.

Another reason is the rather popular belief that the opposition no longer represents a credible threat. The 2004 general elections, they appear to think, would be a cakewalk as the political situation no longer bears any resemblance to the previous o­ne.

They could not be more wrong.

Greatest potential

The financial mess caused by BN's perceived crony capitalism and its predilection for mega-projects remains unsolved. Massive job retrenchments are hurting many urban dwellers. Generally non-Malay Malaysians are still suspicious of Umno's education policy, and Malaysians Malays are worried that English might eclipse the Malay language. Malaysian Indians wonder whether BN would do anything to ease poverty in their midst.

And non-Malay bumiputeras wonder if Umno's declaration of an Islamic state isn't an omen of things to come, that, for example, the government would not reinstate the ban o­n the Iban Bible after the general election.

Still, of the all parties in the opposition, it is PAS that has the greatest potential to clip Umno's wings.

There are deep socio-economic reasons as to why PAS is so menacing, despite Umno's wealth and tight control of the mass media. And the irony is that they are all created/inspired by Umno or Dr Mahathir Mohamad himself.

For example, Dr Mahathir's "Look-East" policy is well-known. He admired the way Japan and South Korea industrialised their countries by setting up conditions for the establishment of huge multinational corporations. It wasn't a bad idea, except that such corporations ought to be run by really capable Malaysian entrepreneurs, irrespective of their race, creed, or religion.

But the Ketuanan Melayu ideology prevailed over sound business sense, and billion-ringgit enterprises were given over to some people largely because of the color of their skin and, of course, their political affiliation. The priority seems to be to quickly create bumiputera billionaires even at the risk of endangering the country's expensive investments.

Others neglected

Umno's obsession with manufacturing bumiputera billionaires also resulted in the neglect of thousands of less privileged Muslim businesspeople and professionals. When the multibillion-ringgit investments failed and the national economy turned sour, these Muslims, jobless and disillusioned with urban poverty and the rat race inherent in a capitalist society, were further told that they lacked suitable academic qualifications, that they didn't know enough English, or that they were just plain lazy. It shouldn't surprise anyone if some finally decided to dump material pursuits in the here and now for a PAS spiritual ticket to the glorious hereafter. (It's a new version of the old Cold War joke: What's a communist? A failed capitalist.)

There are also some Umno-backed policies that also turn away non-Malays from ever wanting to adopt Malay culture, unlike, for example, the peranakan Chinese who didn't have to become Muslims even after their voluntary cultural assimilation.

As socio-economic pressures caused the non-bumiputera population to shrink, so did the ethnic and cultural diversity that served as checks and balances to all forms of racial and religious exclusivism. Umno might have thought that was a good thing, and for a long time it was for that party, until PAS comes along to contest the former's hegemony with a more fundamentalist religious narrative.

Biggest mistake

Umno's greatest mistake, however, lies in the racial domination of government bureaucracies.

In my previous article ' Umno still steep in feudalism ', I discussed how bumiputera monopoly of the military and the civil service acted to foist upon large sections of that community a bureaucratic mindset. This is because, as stated in the article, both the civil service and the military are huge bureaucracies, and those who work in them would find it difficult to escape the influence of bureaucratic culture.

I also noted that a bureaucratic mindset tends to downgrade individual responsibility. As decisions often pass through several departments before implementation, the guilty party is tempted to blame any mishap o­n some department other than his own. He can also avoid accountability by shifting his guilt to "mistaken feedbacks" from his inferiors, or by blaming o­n some "faulty" rule that exists within the organisation.

It is not too difficult to see why bureaucratic minds are excellent targets for religious groups, especially those groups that preach solidarity at all costs. Most religious organisations are bureaucracies: they are hierarchic, and they expect members to follow their teachings to the very letter of their scriptures. Individualism is discouraged: members who insist o­n personal interpretations might find themselves declared as heretics.

Still, such occurrences - members declared as heretics - are rare, for like all bureaucracies the rules for "proper" behaviour are repeatedly emphasised so that everyone knows his or her place. Further, most religious teachings are like the Thoughts of Mao Zedong: they are flexible and can be interpreted by those in power (a privilege denied to the average follower) to forgive almost any transgression of divine law. As a last resort, o­ne could always pass the buck to Satan - blame Satan for o­ne's sins. Personal accountability is thus minimised.

Of course, the reverse can also occur: a disbeliever could be given shock-and-awe treatment with punishments involving amputation of limbs or death by stoning. But I don't believe any Malaysian government would do that. Kamunting, yes. Torture, yes. Stoning, no. We are, after all, civilised people.

Another feature of a bureaucracy is its lack of encouragement for risk-taking. Obedience, doing what's expected, is the watchword (Umno's feudalist culture also helps reinforce this quality). In return, the average Malaysian civil servant or military officer is usually guaranteed fixed wages and regular promotions. He can also expect a life-long tenure. He doesn't need to practise critical thinking which might develop into anti-government thoughts.

Playing safe

Such a mentality again suits the overly religious mind, and even more so religious authorities. It just wouldn't do for any follower to question an edict, or insist that certain kinds of dresses or behaviours might have cultural rather than religious significance. In return for strict obedience to the divine law, and especially to the religious authorities, the believer is promised at least the possibility of a safe journey to heaven. Those who disobey might go to hell, so why take the risk?

The obey the leader, play-safe, follow-the-crowd bureaucratic mind is enhanced by the routinisation of his worklife. He goes to his office at a certain time, does certain things there, gets his coffee break at a certain time, and leaves at a certain time. He does this day after day, year after year. His routine gives him a sense of order, a sense of certainty, which again produces a sense of comfort and safety. The bureaucratic mind hates surprises, hates change of routines, or any kind of change that might disturb his equanimity.

Similarly, the religious mind is comforted by the same daily rituals, the same preparations for prayers, the same congregation at the same place of worship, the same chanting of the same words and phrases day in day out, year in and year out. There is a sense of safety, a feeling that God is with the supplicant, a certainty that heaven is within reach - a wonderful sense of being that's antithetical to real world of constant change and becoming.

In other words, the bureaucratic mind not o­nly exhibits an aversion to innovation and risk-taking, a distaste for uncertainty that comes with constant and sometimes unexpected change - all elements of entrepreneurialism - it is also a preparatory ground for religious orders.

Such a consequence should not be surprising. The Christian Church represents the first large bureaucracy of the West, long before modern governmental agencies appeared. Europe during the Middle Ages was a static world of being, not a dynamic world of becoming. Bureaucracy fits the religious mind like hand and glove.

In Malaysia, bumiputeras were seldom given a true taste of capitalism, for the easy access of government loans and the possibility of public bailouts for private loses obviated the idea of risk-taking. Bumiputera monopoly of the military and civil service further condemns a large section of that community to a static, no-risk, bureaucratic mindset, which in turn prepares them for PAS membership.

It is clear, therefore, that Umno can beat PAS o­nly by reversing its gameplan.

History has shown how individualistic capitalism served to weaken the hold religion had o­n the state and the individual.

Church dimension

Soon after the o­nset of the Industrial Revolution in Europe, the Church was forced to come to terms with the new economic structure - the base that helped produced the capitalist ideology. Modern Christianity had to adjust and modify itself: instead of attacking wealth Christians were forced to regard it as a manifestation of God's favour.

Thus began the perpetual production of goods and services and their unending absorption by society. Capitalism could thrive o­nly when consumerism became a norm. The socio-economic implications were enormous: any society caught up in the capitalist system would eventually have to change or modify its worldview, including its attitude towards religion.

So if Umno wants to weaken a quasi-religious political party like PAS, it must not compete with that party o­n Islamisation, nor perpetuate a bureaucratic worldview, but enter boldly into a genuine capitalist experiment. Umno must reject racial and religious considerations in economic planning and end job monopoly for o­ne community in the government sector. A new bumiputera lifestyle is in order, o­ne that is based o­n meritocracy, o­n equal rights with all and for all communities.

If Umno does all that, it can stop worrying about SAR (Sekolah Agama Rakyat) and focus instead o­n Sars (Severe acute respiratory syndrome). Otherwise the anti-Umno religious contagion could spread faster among Muslims than the coronavirus among Malaysians.

Then all the posturings over the Economist articles would be a waste of time and energy, for PAS would eventually win even more states and perhaps throw the Umno ministers out of government. This advice is given free of charge, but if Umno wishes to show its gratitude, it can direct all monetary donations to malaysiakini .

L CHUAH is a self-proclaimed literature hog who is interested in applying a multi-disciplinary approach to world affairs.