Are human rights that important?

The obvious answer is, yes. However the Malaysian public would probably answer otherwise.

Had Malaysians given a damn about human rights, we would be under a different government and Barisan Alternatif (BA) would have had a good chance of being in power, thus establishing a working two-party system in the country.

The opposition, alongside hard-working NGOs, has highlighted human rights issues for years, but where has it gotten them? Admittedly, in terms of the popular vote, the BA achieved a significant 44 percent of support in the 1999 general election but was it due to genuine concern over human rights and democracy generally; or was it reaction to the way former deputy prime minister Anwar Ibrahim was treated?

Knowing the psychology of the Malays and their personality-centred politics, the likely answer is the latter no opposition or human rights activist could deny that.

Incidence of violations

Gross human rights violations have dotted our history since independence, markedly so from the early years of Mahathir's tenure. Ops Lalang was the largest single ISA detention swoop on citizens, yet the nation generally remained silent when it took place in 1987.

The Kelantan government has been denied its rights ever since 1990, yet it was only with the Terengganu oil royalty issue that the plight of opposition-controlled states has come to the fore.

The Universities and University Colleges Act has plagued intellectual debate and student involvement in politics and administration since the 1970s. Interestingly enough, our universities have since become less competitive against other institutions in the world.

The Perwaja, Memali and Maminco incidents have been successfully erased from the memory of Malaysians.

DAP performances in post-1969 elections have been dictated by localised issues much more than any coherent national attraction to a 'Malaysian Malaysia'.

Only when Anwar was sacked unceremoniously, beaten up and jailed after widely-publicised sham trials, did the masses speak up. Human rights issues were raised.

Democracy which PAS and DAP have been fighting for became popular with the masses. Yet it was perhaps not that substantive. It was an eye-opening event, but with recent developments, it is likely that most Malaysians are now less concerned with human rights.

Issue-based anger only lasts awhile and having failed to capitalise on it in 1998, the opposition cannot rely on this as a platform anymore.

Middle-class domain

Historically, human rights, democracy and other 'abstract' notions are usually the domain of the urban, educated middle class. The popular masses are less concerned with human rights issues, especially in Malaysia where injustices and perversions can be safely hidden through our compliant mainstream press the only significant and affordable source of information for many Malaysians.

The middle class has always been critical, but since it forms a minority, the government tolerates its views to a certain extent. This grouping has access to uncensored Internet reading on sites run by malaysiakini and foreign media agencies. It has a less-intellectually insulting Astro, and to see otherwise unthinkable parodies of the corrupt elite in actors' studios.

Even then, the government tries to depoliticise these citizens by chaining them to the ups and downs of a consumer economy. Despite making up a relatively small number of voters, they can be a nuisance to a regime that is more comfortable with idiotic yes-men.

The masses are more concerned with real and immediate issues that affect them directly. They might realise the dangers of the draconian ISA, the economic and moral cost of corruption, and the sad state of our press.

However, unless their immediate family or friends become victim of such laws or other policies, their main concern is over bread-and-butter issues.

Access to social services such as health and education, their pension and agricultural subsidies is more important. In the Malaysian context, issues linked to race and religion also add to their concerns.

As the saying goes, we can't miss what we never had. The fact that we did not experience a period or regime when we actually had human rights makes it difficult to show what we are being deprived of.

To add to BA's woes, the middle class is becoming increasingly dissatisfied with what it perceives to be ineptness of a once highly-vaunted coalition. As the anger of 1998 subsides and the people lose their political discipline, the opposition is risking a return to the barren years of pre-1998.

For the middle class, a Keadilan centred on Anwar, a PAS bent on an Islamic state and China-town DAP have emerged as big disappointments.

This disappointment is underlined by the fact that the middle class does not want to tolerate the Barisan Nasional hegemony anymore, and they might even vote for the opposition in protest yet they cannot help but think that this is not a truly viable front, but a traditionally disparate Malaysian opposition.

Turning words into action

So what is the way forward for the BA?

Well, obviously by realigning its focus on human rights to match the real expectations of the people. Human rights and democracy should always be an important part of the opposition front's struggle, and should never be forsaken.

But being noble, dignified fighters alone is not enough in the struggle for power. And what is politics if you remain an eternal critic without power in your hands to turn your words into action?

The public appreciates the opposition's criticism of the government, but also wants serious and substantive alternatives to be offered, especially in vital socioeconomic issues that affect them directly. Yes, abolish the ISA, abolish the Universities and Universities College Act, but what are the BA's answers to the current student loans system for tertiary education, for example?

Many Malaysians have been disappointed by the quality and prohibitive cost of health care, even in public hospitals, yet little of the issue is analysed and exploited. Another major concern of the middle class and business community is Malaysia's economic position in the age of globalisation and liberalised trade.

And although none of the opposition parties is racist in principle, how far is each willing to go in order to dismantle the BN's racist legacy?

The current education issue is a primary example. It is a potentially advantageous issue for the opposition, but despite some attempts at providing solutions, the public does not really see a well-orchestrated attempt to counter BN's bulldozing propaganda.

While respecting each community's right to mother-tongue education, will the BA simply maintain the status quo which, in spite of benefits to each main community, is a barrier to racial integration. Or will it offer a more practical and transparent version of the Sekolah Wawasan (that remains brilliant, at least as an idea)? It is sad to see the way BA is letting BN go on with such an unpopular move.

Of course, the BA is not as bad as what the mainstream media makes it out to be. Some principles of the BA Joint Manifesto in 1999 have been implemented by the Kelantan and Terengganu governments. Its first Alternative Budget this year was a welcome attempt to portray itself as a true government in waiting.

Obviously to become an opposition force of the same class as that in mature democracies is not easy, given the lack of political space and a short time to work together here. The idea of a Shadow Cabinet, long suggested, should be implemented.

Rhetorical slogans are likely to appeal to the emotions, but think also of coherent, consistent and pragmatic solutions to appeal to the intellect. Sleaze-focused, tabloid-level politics may get the attention and publicity, but does not guarantee votes. Serious approaches must be made to different sections of society, from the rural masses to the urban classes, and students as well as professionals.

The key is to a strong, dynamic leadership that is willing to be bold and not succumb to petty reactionary politics a leadership that is very much lacking in the opposition at present. Such leadership must work out the complex issues that now divide them, by focusing on more immediate and realistic objectives.

All the resources and capabilities of each party must be successfully tapped to overcome limitations faced by the opposition. These must be channelled to forming an alternative government that understands the immediate needs of the masses, portrays its true intellectual and administrative potential and maintains its founding ideals.

It is a daunting task, but whoever said that it would be easy? It would be much easier to labour endlessly on human rights and democracy. Another way must be found, for democracy's sake.

NIK NAZMI NIK AHMAD is the founding editor of SuaraAnum.com

. He is now a columnist at Siasah .