In an interview with the online edition of PAS organ Harakah, the party's acting president Abdul Hadi Awang instinctively identified the lack of Chinese support as a reason for the less-than-satisfactory performance of PAS in the by-elections of the Pendang parliamentary and Anak Bukit state seats in Kedah.

The 54-year-old menteri besar of the state of Terengganu, who holds a Master's degree in Islamic jurisprudence from Egypt's Al-Azhar University, is both right and wrong in his analysis.

He is right in identifying non-Muslims in Pendang and Anak Bukit as the bulwark of Umno against PAS, but wrong in equating all non-Muslims with Chinese Malaysians alone.

In the Pendang constituency where PAS lost narrowly, while there are 6.4 percent Chinese Malaysians on the electoral roll, there are also 0.92 percent Indian and 4.91 percent others.

In the Anak Bukit state seat where PAS won narrowly, there are 11.09 percent Chinese Malaysians, 1.49 percent Indian Malaysians and 0.36 percent other Malaysians.

According to reports in Chinese-language newspapers, the members of the other ethnic communities are predominated by Malaysians of Thai origin who, like most of the Chinese, broadly and 'flexibly' follow Buddhism.

Whatever the ethnic backgrounds, one common feature of these non-Muslims is clear: that most of them voted for Umno through the Barisan Nasional symbol and platform.

While it cannot be concluded that they positively love Umno or the ruling front, it is almost certain that they fear PAS more.

Three levels of fear

The collective fear of these numerical minorities can be analysed at three levels:

One, the sheer and natural fear of any numerical minority as Muslim minorities in Singapore, Thailand, Burma, Cambodia, Vietnam, Laos and the Philippines fear the majorities in those countries.

It is the fear of their dignity, well-being, ethnic and religious identities and ways of life being disrespected, disregarded or even destroyed by the ethnic and religious majority;

Two, although the fear of any minorities applies to both Umno and PAS, the latter compounded the fear against itself by appearing to be 'stern' and 'dogmatic'.

That image is strengthened by the propaganda, both black and white, of Umno and its allies, which portrays PAS as 'aggressive', 'arrogant' and 'militant'; and

Three, PAS indirectly and unconsciously 'assisted' Umno propagandists by introducing the hudud and qisas in Terengganu in a controversial and dramatic way, thus enhancing its negative image among non-Muslims.

As to how to assuage and neutralise the three levels of fear among non-Muslims, this will undoubtedly be a great test to the wisdom of PAS and its acting president, Abdul Hadi.

It also has national and strategic implications for PAS, Keadilan and PRM which comprises Barisan Alternatif, because outside the Islamic heartland, the number of minorities increases.

Coming from a state where non-Muslims only constitute about five percent of the population, Abdul Hadi is understandably lacking an understanding of the 'problem' confronting PAS.

Incidentally, it is interesting to note that it was in Anak Bukit that PAS won more non-Muslim and Chinese voters.

Other minorities

Besides the ethnic and religious minorities in Peninsular Malaysia, there are also Sabah and Sarawak voters to be considered in the overall picture. There are 48 parliamentary constituencies in these two eastern states across the South China Sea.

Then, there is the other 'minority' in our patriarchal society: women of all ethnic and religious communities, who constitute about 50 percent of the total number of voters in Malaysia.

In this respect, PAS has certainly made the right decision in fielding a medical doctor and an engineer who also holds a Master's degree in business administration in Pendang and Anak Bukit respectively.

Win or lose the elections, these professionals could help to bridge the communication gap and the psychic disparity between those who are concerned with heavenly affairs on one hand, and those who are preoccupied with earthly matters on the other.

Of course, even before the recent by-elections, PAS had recruited a considerable number of highly educated professionals and intellectuals. Yet it seems that they are still being underutilised for the right purposes on the right occasions, and in the right geo-cultural settings.

They are also not as exposed to the media, including party organs, as the scholars and theologians.

PAS at crossroads

With the stabilisation and consolidation of mass Malay/Muslim core support, will PAS be more self-confident to conduct sincere self-criticism by listening to honest feedback, advice and suggestions from non-hardcore members, non-members and even critics?

Indeed, after the Pendang and Anak Bukit by-elections, PAS has arrived at a crossroads: it can either continue to confine itself to the Islamic hardcore in a posture of passive self-defence, or adopt a pro-active strategy of forward defence by re-adjusting its policies and strategies to accommodate as many segments of Malaysians as possible.

There are certainly short-run risks for PAS if it were to embark on reforming its image and substance. For example, its nemesis would attack it for 'selling out Muslims/Malays', etc.

However, in the long-run, if PAS fails to reach out to the wider community of Malaysia, it will certainly be confined to the hardcore supporters and used to contrast the 'moderation' and 'reasonableness' of Umno.

JAMES WONG WING ON is chief analyst of Strategic Analysis Malaysia (SAM) which produces the subscriber-based political report, Analysis Malaysia. Wong is a former member of parliament (1990-1995) and a former columnist for the Sin Chew Jit Poh Chinese daily. He read political science and economics at the Monash University in Melbourne, Australia. While in Sin Chew, he and a team of journalists won the top awards of Malaysian Press Institute (MPI) for 1998 and 1999.