Regular readers of malaysiakini would know that I have often defended PAS when it came under attack.

Now, with the general election looming and recent political developments in the country brought about by both national and international concerns, the party must reflect on its own weaknesses to maintain the momentum in 1999.

Without a doubt, PAS is popular among the impoverished rural Malays, especially in the north and East Coast, while increasingly gaining a foothold among the urban classes as well, especially following Anwar Ibrahim's case, as admitted by Abdul Hadi Awang recently.

But, recognising the Malaysian context, PAS must reach out further than their traditional Islamically-inclined supporters — both to the liberal Muslims and the significant non-Muslim minority in Malaysia. That is particularly necessary today as the Anwar Ibrahim case is being forced out of mainstream attention by the government-controlled media and Sept 11 is grabbing attention domestically and internationally.

The main weakness of PAS is that due to the nature of its appeal, i.e. religion, it gets a loyal and large base of supporters, but, as they rely on their traditional supporters, they tend to overlook the need to justify their ideals in a more professional and detailed manner.

Detailed plan needed

Rhetoric and slogans are important in politics, but if a party really aspires to be the next federal government, they must have a detailed and comprehensive plan on what they want to do with the country. Obviously being a party founded on Islamic ideals, as espoused in PAS' own constitution, it relies on the Quran as its primary source of reference, followed by the Sunnah, the consensus of the ulamas and so on and so forth.

But how many of the modern Malaysian Muslims read the Quran, let alone understand its meaning and spirit in its entirety? The Islamic education formalised by the government has concentrated on cosmetic aspects of the faith, while ignoring the spiritual and philosophical elements within Islam. If this is the scenario of the Muslims, what more the non-Muslims who not only lack information about the Islamic creed but are also fed with news on Islamic militancy and terrorism?

Thus, while PAS concentrates in condemning government leaders for their immoral behaviour, sexual scandals and misuse of public funds — the voters on the whole are asking, what does PAS offer?

Gossips and fiery speeches are crowd pullers, but it must also be realised that Malaysians want to know, most importantly, what PAS actually stand for. For many Malaysians, Malays and non-Malays alike, who grew up consuming government propaganda, while not realising the full extent and consequence of the cancer that is plaguing Barisan Nasional today, are not totally ignorant.

A better alternative?

The fact is, they do not see the opposition offering a better alternative. Many of my friends, who are staunch supporters of the establishment, would argue, "So what if minister X is a womaniser? So what if minister Y bailed out her son-in-law using public funds? All that I know is that the system is proven and works for me, and I don't see a credible system being offered by the opposition."

In his essay, 'The economic system in contemporary Islamic thought', Timur Kuran criticises the lack of a comprehensive, realistic economic model among Islamic economists, often using the zakat for the fiscal policy, and the banning of interest for monetary policy, as well as norms of Islamic behaviour, as the cornerstones of an Islamic economic system, and little if anything else.

PAS has to answer whether it advocates a free-market economy or does it envisage a welfare state? Is it compatible with the economic globalisation that is becoming ever-more important? Many are asking what Islamic economics is all about? Would its implementation be similar to the dual economy practiced in Malaysia? If not, how will the transition take place?

PAS can perhaps draw lessons from how The Muslim Brotherhood (the pioneer of modern Islamist activism) argued their ideals on economics. Through scholars such as Syed Qutb with his Social justice in Islam, they advocated a welfare state (similarly, PAS' Dr Burhanuddin Helmy presented the idea of an 'Islamic welfare state') that would include public employment programmes for the unemployed, universal medical care and education, progressive taxation, inheritance legislation and the dissolution of monopoly on necessities.

Welfare, according to Syed Qutb, would not be permanent, but simply to prepare for economic independence of the recipients later on. Thus, while his arguments include the usual interest-free banking, banning of immoral activities (prostitution, gambling, etc.) it also touches on other areas that should be emulated by PAS.

Vision for others

Obviously, PAS' vision of Malaysia must not only be about its own vision of an Islamic state but also its vision in regards to the other components of the opposition front.

I admire Fadzil Noor's assertion in his interview with Mingguan Malaysia that while PAS fights for an Islamic state, being a member of the Barisan Alternatif it will stand by the front's ideals of a just and democratic Malaysia.

But the party has still not effectively clarified its vision of the role of Islam in the country with the context of being a component in the front. Perhaps Hizbollah's experience in Lebanon, being a pragmatic Islamist participant in the country's politics, could be a useful lesson.

To present one's arguments and lacing it with quotes from the Quran and Hadith is acceptable for many Muslims, but different approaches must be used for different audiences — the liberal Muslims and the non-Muslims.

Dr Burhanuddin Helmy, who later became president of PAS and was a pious Muslim active in sufi circles, in a debate with communist (and atheist) Mokhtaruddin Lasso during the duo's activism in the Malay Nationalist Party, gained the admiration of Ahmad Boestamam in his debate with Mokhtaruddin on the existence of God, as he did not use Quranic verses which is obviously redundant with someone who has no faith in divine power, but rather, perfectly rational and logical arguments to match Mokhtaruddin's scientific Marxist psyche.

"Each religion, school of thought, movement or revolution is made of two elements," wrote Ali Shariati, the intellectual giant behind the Islamic revolution in Iran, in his famous Fatima is Fatima.

"Wisdom and love. One is light and the other motion. One gives common sense and understanding, the other, strength, enthusiasm and motion. Each is nothing without the other."

Thus I write this criticism, not simply for the sake of criticism, but realising that PAS already has its strength and potential, as Malaysia's biggest political organisation after Umno, to lead the Alternative Front to become a credible potential government and not just remaining a strong opposition party.

An Islamist experiment in Malaysia, with its large non-Muslim minority, if successful, will be unique in the modern sense as other experiments involve a large Muslim majority population. As one writer put it, PAS should stand up for a "multi-cultural, multi-religious Islamic state".

NIK NAZMI NIK AHMAD is attached on a part-time basis to the Political Education Unit, Institute for Political Research and editor of SuaraAnum.com.