It has been nearly three years since I last visited the People's Republic of China (PRC). Why the full name? Well, despite the official rhetoric, or myth, of One China as adhered to by most of the world, I personally recognise also the sovereignty of the Republic of China (ROC), better known as Taiwan.

I remember a taxi ride in Shanghai. As it turned out, the ride was value for money, for in addition to reaching my destination on time, I also received a 'patriotism' session for free. The driver, having learnt that I was an 'overseas Chinese', asked enthusiastically as to who I would support if China and Malaysia met in a football match.

To his dismay, I replied: "It does not matter really. I support the team that plays well." The grin on his face quickly wore off, and in a serious tone, the driver sought to correct me. "This is not right. You should support China because you are a Chinese descendent. You must not forget your roots."

In retrospect, I guess there was a more correct answer for the question. Going by the logic of the Shanghaiese driver, I should pledge my support to the Republic of China. As a matter of fact, my grandparents came to British Malaya in the 1920s as nationals of the ROC, then ruled by the Nationalists. They never had a chance to experience how it was like to live in the PRC under the Communists.

Seen in this light, being a descendent of two ROC citizens, it would be most inappropriate for me to give my support to PRC, the arch foe of the ROC.

Confused? You must be. Such is the profound paradox of nationalism and patriotism.

Doubting nationalists

As one can see, I did not give any convenient answer to please the taxi driver nor did I make use of the opportunity to show my patriotic spirit just to satisfy the Malay nationalists running Utusan Malaysia or Berita Harian back home.

While I do enjoy travelling in China and exploring the magnificent sceneries, it is as much a foreign country to me as, say, the United States, Japan or Russia. I am also aware that, no matter how much a Chinese Malaysian tries to prove his or her Malaysian credentials, many a Malay patriot, such as Awang Selamat of Utusan, will never be satisfied, and his or her loyalty to the tanah air (motherland) will constantly be questioned.

So, why bother?

But like it or not, Malaysia is going full force in cultivating and deepening diplomatic ties with the PRC. Over the last few weeks, Sin Chew Daily , Nanyang Siang Pau and the fledgling Oriental Daily News have been running series of special reports on Malaysia-China relations. Oriental Daily even dispatched a journalist and a photographer to China for an in-depth coverage of the 30th Anniversary of the establishment of the bilateral ties between the two countries. By month's end, Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi will have shaken hands with Chinese President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao in Beijing.

No doubt, prominent coverage on China-related topics delights the old generation of Chinese Malaysians greatly, and the enthusiasm of the Chinese press in highlighting the 30th Anniversary of the Malaysia-China relations is nothing but an outcome of business strategising. However, whether or not the young generation would be equally excited is another matter.

Domestic issues

Chang Lih Kang, a student activist and now a columnist with Oriental Daily , recently wrote a piece entitled 'What is so special about Malaysia-China diplomatic relations?', in which he argues powerfully and convincingly the need to deconstruct all the myths about Malaysia-China ties.

Chang is of the opinion that, as significant as it may be, the 30th Anniversary must not blind the Chinese reading public to the fact that there are more critical issues at stake nationwide: the attempt by the Guthrie Group to dislocate the mostly Indian rubber plantation workers, the injustice under the Internal Security Act, and the final appeal by former deputy premier Anwar Ibrahim.

In short, Chang is puzzled at the split mentality of the Chinese community in Malaysia: the yearning for non-racist politics on one hand, and the conscious or unconscious arousing of Chinese nationalistic sentiments on the other. But his most brilliant discernment is found in his conclusion that, to cast out the chimera of racist and religionist politics in Malaysia, the Chinese press must set the trend by reporting bravely issues with national implications, rather than magnifying China-related topics out of proportion. That way, the Chinese press can help minimise the effect of the so-called China-card strategy often practised by the Umno-led government on Chinese Malaysians.

But kicking the old habit is not easy. Last Monday, Oriental Daily in its Klang Valley section highlighted a 'revelation' by Serdang MP Yap Pian Hon that foreign workers now make up the third largest ethnic group in Malaysia, overtaking Indians.

According to Yap, the 'influx' of foreign workers must not be taken as a sign of Malaysia becoming more open, but a bane of the many social problems that ill us today.

Make no mistake, our Indian friends. Yap was not speaking up for you. No, the YB is not aggrieved by the fact that the Indians are no longer in the number three slot. Like many Chinese, Yap's hidden message was that, left unchecked, these foreign workers could one day swamp the nation and overtake the Chinese as well. Already confronted with declining birth rates, the siege mentality of the Chinese is now made all the more acute in the wake of the influx of migrant workers, documented and undocumented alike.

When Pauline Hanson, a political novice in 1996, expressed her anxiety at the increasing number of Asian immigrants into Australia, many in the region, and no less so the Chinese in Malaysia, went berserk at her racist remarks. How ironic that when Yap, an already elected MP and a seasoned politician, uttered scare-mongering and similarly racist words in unrestrained manner, not only was he not censured by the MCA, his 'kind reminder' was even well received by the audience.

Tell me more about Chinese nationalism, and I may try to believe in it.