Sarawak's Dayak and Sabah's Kadazandusun peoples were not among those who celebrated the first Merdeka in 1957. Their entry into Malaysia in 1963 came under circumstances that appear to have since created a two-tier notion of patriotism.

When Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra Al-Haj became the first prime minister of the independent Malaya in 1957, he was asked to consider a British-inspired proposal to bring in a predominantly-Chinese Singapore.

His racial arithmetical instincts considered the inclusion of then British North Borneo (now Sabah) and Sarawak as an imperative in forming a federation, as Universiti Sains Malaysia (USM) lecturer Dr Ooi Keat Gin once wrote.

Fortunately, for the Tunku, post-war British governments were already partial to the policy of disengagement from the colonies, if possible in an amicable and least traumatic manner.

With substantial British commercial interests in these territories, the Malaysia concept was probably seen in as achieving a dual purpose - letting go of colonies as part of growing de-colonisation and safeguarding the commercial operations.

That probably accounts for why Sarawak and Sabah joined self-governing Singapore and Malaya in forming the new federation of Malaysia in July 1963, instead of possibly taking a longer path to independence via a lose federation of Borneo states including Brunei.

According to political history researcher Paul Kadang, 1970 was the year targeted for independence for the Borneo states within the concept of the proposed loose federation. But with their decision to join Malaya, it meant ''express delivery service'' of Malaysia.

The Tunku's promise to grant the Dayak (Iban/Bidayuh/Orang Ulu) as well as Sabah's Kadazandusun and Bajau similar rights, benefits and privileges as the Malays is something their leaders have been holding on to, as something sacred to be fulfilled.

Reexamining their status

Forty years later, the non-Muslim indigenous communities who constitute 50 percent or more of the population of the two east Malaysia states, are beginning to take a critical look at themselves and their socio-economic status.

This is less likely to concern about 60 percent of the population who are below 40 years of age or most of those born after the formation of Malaysia.

It's those who are 45 years or more who appear to be more concerned as to whether there has been any shortfall or shortcoming in the delivery of promises made to win over the indigenous community leaders.

In essence, the promises were for a better life, better education, a more meaningful role in government and decisions on their destiny, and economic opportunities.

Former senior bank officer Terence Temenggong, 56, an Iban, says: "I personally believe and the Dayak community largely also believe that no matter what the predicaments of their community are, there is no other place for the Dayak, especially the Iban, other than Sarawak in particular and Malaysia in general."

"Sarawak is the place for Dayaks and they must work hard to justify their places in Sarawak by making the best of whatever opportunities they can get hold of."

Lawyer-businessman Leonard Linggi Jugah, 62, an Iban, says the Dayak's loyalty to Malaysia is not to be questioned despite some misgivings and the perception of a shortfall in the delivery of promises.

"From the day Sarawak joined Malaysia many Iban youths signed up to join the country's fighting force in defence of the nation. Does this alone not reflect the Dayak's sense of patriotism to the nation?"

Frankie Labang, 34, an Orang Ulu, says the Dayak community should perhaps talk less of promises and make sure that every child born is given the best possible education.

"As far as the young are concerned, there is only one country for them and that is Malaysia. The adults could do a lot more to build this sense of patriotism to Malaysia."

Leonard Lubon, 56, an Iban who has a string of degrees and a company secretary until his recent retirement in Bintulu-based Malaysian LNG Sdn Bhd, says he made it to the top without much aid from the government.

"I received my elementary education through my parents in the longhouse and did not get to see the first doctor until I was 11 years old."

Although he has tasted success, he laments that because of the lack of assistance from the government, many Ibans remain in the longhouses.

"Despite this, it does not make this people any less patriotic to the state and nation. The Dayaks are patriots and they have shown this over the last four decades by willingly coming forward to serve when their services are needed in defence of the country," he adds.

Former company auditor David Willie, 62, an Iban, airs his concern that although the community possesses a great asset in the form of the Native Customary Rights (NCR) land which spans for millions of hectares, the Dayak have not benefitted much from it over the past 40 years.

"Issue titles for the NCR land and let the owners go into modern agriculture either on their own or with other investors so they could advance economically and at the same time Sarawak could benefit from increased food production for own consumption and for export," he adds.

He says the NCR land is something sacred to the Dayak. "That possession gives them a great sense of belonging to this land. Without it, how can one expect the Dayak to feel happy?"

'Malaysian by force'

In Sabah, the Kadazandusun make up about 20 percent of the state's 2.6 million population and are the predominant group.

A 55-year-old Sino-Kadazandusun who only wanted to be known as Simon reflects the sentiments among those in his age group in the community.

"When I was young, yes, Merdeka was a grand occasion. But now I feel that it is nothing more than an occasion to celebrate every year. It is all just a show, perhaps to divert the people from the actual realities of what the country really is and where it is heading.

"Even after four decades I am still a Sabahan at heart and a Malaysian by force."

Simon sees Sabahan politicians as generally a self-serving lot, often appearing to be relegating state interests behind theirs.

"Indeed, one may now ask, what state rights, if leaders are seen as pandering more to Kuala Lumpur?"

Liza, 26, a Sabahan Malay, also regards herself as Sabahan first and Malaysian second, but says she would rather see everyone in Malaysia being treated equally without any special rights and privileges.

This liberal-minded Sabahan belongs to the new category of young East Malaysians who regard history as something that belongs to the past and that everyone should look to the future.

"Why do we need to continue with special rights and privileges for certain groups? How can we hope to foster a spirit of belonging to the same nation and a sense of strong patriotism among all Malaysians if we continue with some old policies that tend to divide and infuriate than unite people?"

Din, a 44-year-old Bajau and a local politician, opines that Merdeka Day be celebrated on Sept 16, the date Malaysia was officially proclaimed.

"Sabahans feel odd celebrating Merdeka Day on Aug 31. It is okay for the younger generation but not for the older generation," he says.

"Are we all really independent? Life is still the same for many Sabahans. So much talk of development has not brought about progress to the little man the farmers, fishermen and so on. There seems to be no pride in Merdeka among the people. It is just a celebration."

Ismail, a 45-year-old Runggus Kadazan and a government servant, once accustomed to raising flags and taking pride in Merdeka Day now feels differently.

"Now I don't feel anything about Merdeka because we have lost our values. Despite the government's genuine attempts to try and foster a sense of pride in the nation through the sterling achievements of our many sportsmen, we've done not enough to inspire a greater sense of patriotism."

"For example, the government should do more to instil loyalty to the country from a very young age," he notes.

Four decades on, the older generation of Sarawakians and Sabahans seem less determined to ensure that national leaders see through to the fulfillment of promises to the states in 1963.

While the younger generation who represent the majority of the population, believe that special rights and privileges favouring selective groups of people is an anti-thesis to national unity efforts.



Tony Thien is malaysiakini's Kuching-based correspondent.