Cloud over incoming premier
Abdar Rahman KoyaPublished: Mar 31, 2009 5:21 AM | Updated: Mar 31, 2009 5:24 AM
The Malaysian opposition’s worst nightmare since the end of the Mahathir era has come - in the form of ex-premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad himself.
In the political drama that has played out over the last decade, more so since the opposition’s impressive gains in last year’s general election, the government has imposed a three-month ban on Harakah and Suara Keadilan.
The suspension comes at a critical time for an opposition working in an environment where the mainstream media, especially radio and television, are either inaccessible or hostile, and where newspapers and magazines are the only way to reach the majority rural masses.
Three by-elections are set to take place on April 7; their outcome will confirm whether the resignation of Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who was blamed for the ruling coalition’s dismal performance last year and was pressured to make way for his deputy Najib Abdul Razak, has improved the government’s standing. As such, the by-elections will also be an endorsement - or rejection - of the controversial Najib.
While Abdullah’s departure may mean little for the country or the opposition, Najib’s entry has long been feared as a resurrection of sorts of the Mahathir era, as the former prime minister has been the noisiest among a small group of past Umno leaders calling for Abdullah’s removal from office.
The gains made by the opposition piled up even more pressure on Abdullah, whose era saw the release of Anwar Ibrahim from prison, culminating in a stronger opposition coalition made up of PAS, PKR and the Chinese-based DAP.
Not surprising that the person who was most worked up by all these developments was Mahathir, his legacies set to be overturned by the political tsunami. His anger reached its peak when he quit as member of Umno, and for a time decided to lie low.
Though not used to the absence of media around him, which once made him a demigod, this phase did not last long. Nowadays Mahathir’s diary seems to be filled up again, speaking to the media, Umno supporters and attending public events organised by party veterans.
Thus the view is gaining ground that opposition’s gains last year, far from heralding a new dawn in the country’s politics, may have invited even darker days ahead for Malaysia.
Heat being turned up
Najib, son of the country’s second premier Abdul Razak Hussein, has been tainted by personal and political scandals even during his early days in the Umno leadership.
But the latest involving the murder of a Mongolian national in late 2006 has been the most serious allegation ever to have leveled against any Malaysian politician. Yet, the 54-year old deputy premier and former defence minister has so far not sued those who have alleged ly defamed him, even if the Malaysian courts have a unique reputation for ‘efficiency’.
The scandal has all the sleaze of a Hollywood spy drama, the only difference being that billions of ringgit of taxpayers’ money funded this true-life version. It revolves around Altantuya Shaariibuu, who was murdered and whose body was blown up in a jungle clearing. Abdul Razak Baginda, an aide to Najib, was acquitted of the charge last November. Two members of an elite police unit are awaiting the verdict in the murder trial.
Details of this involvement were exposed by the French daily Libération last month, which also gives a glimpse of the shadowy world of arms sales to developing countries like Malaysia. French-Spanish warship manufacturer Armaris, a firm now merged with DCNS, had sold three submarines worth billions of dollars to Malaysia in 2002. But suspicion was raised when Armaris paid 114 million euros to a Malaysian “project services provider”, said to be a company owned by Abdul Razak.
Learning this, the Mongolian woman travelled to Kuala Lumpur to claim her share of US$500,000 from Abdul Razak. She was silenced in the most brutal manner, barely hours after she was bundled into a police car in front of his house. The connection was so clear the police had no choice but to arrest him too.
In an affidavit he filed after his arrest, Abdul Razak revealed that he had been assured by Najib through a text message, hours before his arrest, that the deputy prime minister would have a word with the police chief and “the problem will be solved. Be cool.”
With the same Najib now at the threshold of power, things are not likely to get any cooler. The recent Umno general assembly has endorsed him as the next president, after being the only one whose nomination was accepted for the position. By convention, the Umno president becomes the prime minister.
On April 7, the ruling coalition will have to go through three by-elections in separate states, the most prominent of which is in Perak, where the opposition-led state government recently collapsed, thanks to defections said to be orchestrated by Najib and endorsed by the sultan. The action sparked rare and violent protests against the palace for agreeing to the coup.
The weeks ahead will tell whether Najib can keep his cool as things heat up.
ABDAR RAHMAN KOYA is editor at Islamic Book Trust based in Petaling Jaya. This article first appeared in the latest issue of Crescent International, a news magazine published monthly from Toronto and London presenting the Muslim viewpoints on current events.
In the political drama that has played out over the last decade, more so since the opposition’s impressive gains in last year’s general election, the government has imposed a three-month ban on Harakah and Suara Keadilan.
The suspension comes at a critical time for an opposition working in an environment where the mainstream media, especially radio and television, are either inaccessible or hostile, and where newspapers and magazines are the only way to reach the majority rural masses. Three by-elections are set to take place on April 7; their outcome will confirm whether the resignation of Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who was blamed for the ruling coalition’s dismal performance last year and was pressured to make way for his deputy Najib Abdul Razak, has improved the government’s standing. As such, the by-elections will also be an endorsement - or rejection - of the controversial Najib.
While Abdullah’s departure may mean little for the country or the opposition, Najib’s entry has long been feared as a resurrection of sorts of the Mahathir era, as the former prime minister has been the noisiest among a small group of past Umno leaders calling for Abdullah’s removal from office.
The gains made by the opposition piled up even more pressure on Abdullah, whose era saw the release of Anwar Ibrahim from prison, culminating in a stronger opposition coalition made up of PAS, PKR and the Chinese-based DAP. Not surprising that the person who was most worked up by all these developments was Mahathir, his legacies set to be overturned by the political tsunami. His anger reached its peak when he quit as member of Umno, and for a time decided to lie low.
Though not used to the absence of media around him, which once made him a demigod, this phase did not last long. Nowadays Mahathir’s diary seems to be filled up again, speaking to the media, Umno supporters and attending public events organised by party veterans.
Thus the view is gaining ground that opposition’s gains last year, far from heralding a new dawn in the country’s politics, may have invited even darker days ahead for Malaysia.
Heat being turned up
Najib, son of the country’s second premier Abdul Razak Hussein, has been tainted by personal and political scandals even during his early days in the Umno leadership.
But the latest involving the murder of a Mongolian national in late 2006 has been the most serious allegation ever to have leveled against any Malaysian politician. Yet, the 54-year old deputy premier and former defence minister has so far not sued those who have alleged ly defamed him, even if the Malaysian courts have a unique reputation for ‘efficiency’.
The scandal has all the sleaze of a Hollywood spy drama, the only difference being that billions of ringgit of taxpayers’ money funded this true-life version. It revolves around Altantuya Shaariibuu, who was murdered and whose body was blown up in a jungle clearing. Abdul Razak Baginda, an aide to Najib, was acquitted of the charge last November. Two members of an elite police unit are awaiting the verdict in the murder trial.
Details of this involvement were exposed by the French daily Libération last month, which also gives a glimpse of the shadowy world of arms sales to developing countries like Malaysia. French-Spanish warship manufacturer Armaris, a firm now merged with DCNS, had sold three submarines worth billions of dollars to Malaysia in 2002. But suspicion was raised when Armaris paid 114 million euros to a Malaysian “project services provider”, said to be a company owned by Abdul Razak. Learning this, the Mongolian woman travelled to Kuala Lumpur to claim her share of US$500,000 from Abdul Razak. She was silenced in the most brutal manner, barely hours after she was bundled into a police car in front of his house. The connection was so clear the police had no choice but to arrest him too.
In an affidavit he filed after his arrest, Abdul Razak revealed that he had been assured by Najib through a text message, hours before his arrest, that the deputy prime minister would have a word with the police chief and “the problem will be solved. Be cool.”
With the same Najib now at the threshold of power, things are not likely to get any cooler. The recent Umno general assembly has endorsed him as the next president, after being the only one whose nomination was accepted for the position. By convention, the Umno president becomes the prime minister.
On April 7, the ruling coalition will have to go through three by-elections in separate states, the most prominent of which is in Perak, where the opposition-led state government recently collapsed, thanks to defections said to be orchestrated by Najib and endorsed by the sultan. The action sparked rare and violent protests against the palace for agreeing to the coup.
The weeks ahead will tell whether Najib can keep his cool as things heat up.
ABDAR RAHMAN KOYA is editor at Islamic Book Trust based in Petaling Jaya. This article first appeared in the latest issue of Crescent International, a news magazine published monthly from Toronto and London presenting the Muslim viewpoints on current events.
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